To Delve and Spin – A Medieval English timeline

This is the second reference to this that I've seen. You do realize that you can't incinerate most gems, right? They're rocks, after all. And gold just melts. It's still has equivalent value.

Other than that, this is great. Have you ever read _Summer of Blood_, by Dan Jones?
I’ve edited that bit and no I haven’t read that book. Looks like I have to ask Santa now!!

Interesting, to be sure. While they may not have accepted Wyckliffe because of the arguments over transubstantiation, they will come to have some major conflict with Rome due to the lack of money that the church is bringing in. I doubt that clerics are going to be collecting indulgences considering that they are abandoning the idea of becoming wealthy. That means they will not be sending any of that money on to Rome. Perhaps eventually a church of England could form?
I’m still working out whether events in England will tie into the ongoing Western Schism.

Interesting, to be sure. While they may not have accepted Wyckliffe because of the arguments over transubstantiation, they will come to have some major conflict with Rome due to the lack of money that the church is bringing in. I doubt that clerics are going to be collecting indulgences considering that they are abandoning the idea of becoming wealthy. That means they will not be sending any of that money on to Rome. Perhaps eventually a church of England could form?

No nobility except the king, how are the Kings Offspring considered in this?
Excellent question. That’s something that the authors of Carta communia will have to work out as well.

In the 1300s, law enforcement, as we now know it, did not *really* exist. Not that there weren't jails, trials, and so forth, but if your mom got murdered, it would basically be your personal/familial responsibility to do some basic level of investigation and decide upon a suspect, then you would bring whatever evidence you had to the local authority, be he a lord's bailiff or the King's sheriff. If the magistrate found your arguments compelling, it might result in an arrest. But in an era when circumstantial evidence was routinely ignored in favor of general affirmations of the defendant's character, this didn't mean a great deal in terms of the impartial enforcement of the laws.

Does this presage an earlier development of investigative law enforcement?
You’re generally right about how law enforcement at the time worked in practice. The rebels most likely used the 1285 statute in their cries of “Law of Winchester” given their other demands for local courts and enforcers.

In practice, law enforcement is likely disrupted by the political disturbances. In the south, the courts have been assaulted by local bands. Depending on how hairy things get, if you don’t like their neighbour you can accuse them of supporting “Gaunt the traitor” or the likes.
 

dcharles

Banned
I’ve edited that bit and no I haven’t read that book. Looks like I have to ask Santa now!!

Oh, it's great fun for nerds like us. While it's not aimed at scholars, it's written by one who also happens to be a very talented writer.

In practice, law enforcement is likely disrupted by the political disturbances. In the south, the courts have been assaulted by local bands. Depending on how hairy things get, if you don’t like their neighbour you can accuse them of supporting “Gaunt the traitor” or the likes.

Ah, this is getting more like the French Revolution all the time. Love it. Is there going to be an Edward Liberty or John Equality, a la Philippe Egalite?
 
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I'm enjoying this so far.

Considering that part of why the rebellion was able to sprout as it was because of troops being in France...I wonder if France will make a move on what's left of the English holdings?

That of course depends on the state of France too, plus things like whether the aforementioned troops are being paid.
 

dcharles

Banned
Another thing I haven't mentioned, because I can't verify the beginning of the practice, is that at one time, lords would authorize the marriage of their serfs. I don't know if this was still done in the late 1300s, but it was a common practice in the preceding centuries in England. If this was still en force in the era we're talking about, then we're looking at another watershed change: the freedom to marry without authorization.
 
Chapter 7 – Jacquerie

Chapter 7 – Jacquerie

May – November 1381

1024px-Jacquerie_meaux.jpg

"Smite a villein and he will bless you; bless a villein and he will smite you"

– Barbara Tuchman, 1978 (A Distant Mirror, p.175)


It would be criminal not to mention France in the story of the English Revolt. The long-lasting war between England and France had played a substantial role in the buildup to the events of summer 1381. At the time the two kingdoms were in a state of truce, King Richard of England seeming to have little interest in the French war. It was just as well, for the war had not been going so well for the English ever since King Charles V of France had annulled the Treaty of Brétigny in 1369, pushing the English back in the southeast to the towns of Bordeaux and Bayonne and their surrounding territories by the time of Richard's ascension in 1377.

800px-Reconquest_Charles_V.svg.png

By 1380, Charles V was satisfied that victory was just around the corner for France, and repealed many of the wartime taxes that had funded his campaigns. The next year, England fell into revolt.

The violence encompassing England in the summer of 1381 shook the French nobility when news reached them, they had dealt with a similar uprising less than 25 years earlier in the Jacquerie, an event which still struck terror into the French aristocracy. Like England, the France of 1358 suffered from a divided nobility and the aftereffects of the Black Death. What they also had to deal with was military defeat, including the capture of King John II at the Battle of Poitiers. That battle showed the French aristocracy in a very bad light, as did the subsequent law requiring French commoners to defend the feudal châteaux from English and Gascon free companies who plundered the French countryside at will. That had been the fuse, and the French countryside had risen in revolt, starting in St. Leu. The French rebels had their own Wat Tyler, a certain Guillaume Cale. Like Tyler, Cale had agreed to negotiate a truce with government forces led by Charles II of Navarre. Unlike Tyler, Cale had been seized by Charles's forces, tortured and beheaded. The rules of chivalry clearly didn't apply to commoners it seemed [1]. That was what marked the Jacquerie from its English equivalent. Whist the French rebellion had been handily crushed, the English Revolt was succeeding. Events in France would become important later, but for now the French court would be busy digesting the news from the across the Channel and instinctively stroking their necks.

By 1381, English garrisons were in firm control of Calais and Brest in the north of France and Bordeaux and Bayonne in the southwest. Calais was an important port for the English, it had become a staple port for leather and wool trading in 1363 and it also had an important mint. By the time Edward III died, it's possible that around 40% of England's gold nobles [2] were minted there. Much of Calais's prosperity depended on the cooperation of the staple merchants with royal officials. For roughly a decade, this relationship had begun to break down. In 1371, Crown licenses allowed for the staple to be bypassed in return for a fee. The King liked this since it gave him a steady cash stream, but the wool merchants did not since it disrupted their trade. In 1376, the Good Parliament impeached two royal officials on the grounds of these licenses, to little overall effect [3].

The outbreak of the English Revolt in May 1381 changed things further for Calais. At first, life continued relatively normally at first. Then summer began to drag into autumn and the revolt's impact had very clearly spread. The ports of Southern England had been disrupted by the revolt and the wool trade began to decline. The separation between Calais and England meant that hard currency began to be harder to come by [4]. In 1381, Calais was headed by its Captain, Sir John Devereux, appointed in 1380. Devereux came from a well-established family in England and had been a close companion of Edward III. He had little sympathy for the revolt, like much of the English nobility, but from overseas there was little he could do. He couldn't just leave with the garrison lest the French besiege the town. However, he felt that he couldn’t do nothing either, lest England fall into chaos and anarchy brought forth by villein mobs. As Captain of Calais, he had control of England's largest standing army and he could do something.

As events in England continued to progress, with no signal that the revolt had been put down, Devereux became ever more concerned. He felt he couldn't wait any longer, that duty was calling him to act for his King and for his country. As October 1381 began to roll around, he made contacts with the French regent, Louis, Duke of Anjou, a man also concerned by events in England. His contacts, he believed, would serve him well in future. In early November, Devereux left Calais with a portion of the garrison and a small contingent of French knights led by Maurise de Treseguidy [5] and landed in Dover on the 9th, establishing control of the castle. The small army of roughly 1,500 men began to move north to London. Along the way, the army grew in size as some landowners began to renege on the revolt's agreements, now backed by force of arms. Some joined to restore the old order, others joined for opportunity whilst others wished for stability, since Kent had been the heart of the revolt and the most thorough purging of the old system was taking place there. Upon reaching Canterbury, Devereux dispatched a messenger to London, warning that if any harm was to befall King Richard, the rebel leaders' home towns would be destroyed [6]. London, already aware of Devereux's landing, was galvanized by the letter's blatant threats. Instead of cowing the revolters es had been the plan, they were further resolved to break their enemy. The city began to prepare for a possible siege and the Tower's garrison swelled with volunteers. As Devereux and de Treseguidy closed on London, they fought a small skirmish with enemy cavalry on the 19th at Bexleyheath, the result of which was inconclusive. On the 23rd, Devereux's army reached Southwark where Tyler, Jack Straw and Ufford were waiting for them. By now, Devereux and de Treseguidy had roughly 3,000 men under arms whist Tyler had around 5,000, some of whom were new volunteers but most were hardened veterans of Brompton. The battle lasted over 7 hours and was a hard fight, with Devereux's men reaching the rear and nearly killing Tyler himself. Richard II watched the battle from The Tower across the River Thames, remarking to his mother that "mean men are making chaos in England and doing great evils in my name." He was still young but his instinct for kingship were forming. There was little he could do right now, still under regency, but he was determined that once he could rule in his own right then there would be order in England. In the afternoon, Devereux found his horse cut out from under him, he would catch a sword blow to the abdomen and bleed out within minutes. His men began to turn to de Treseguidy for leadership. de Treseguidy though had seen the winds blowing and now believed defeat to be certain, and turned to return to Rochester before turning and fleeing. The now leaderless army brought over from Calais was routed with over 2/3rds of their pre-battle numbers either killed or captured. The Battle of Southwark - or Devereux's Folly as it's sometimes known - was a decisive revolter victory.

But what Devereux's expedition had revealed was that there was still work to be done to secure the revolt in England. Not only had a foreign power lent their support to crush it, but anti-revolter elements had risen up in Kent, the revolt's heartland. For some, this confirmed their fears of an anti-revolt sect in the country just waiting to spring up from the woodwork. These hypothetical traitors were often tarred as having loyalty to the arch-enemy John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster. From him, the term "Gauntist" and "Lancastrian" become common insults for these perceived enemies of the people, emerging from one soldier's testimony of the battle at Brompton that they had sent the "Whores of Lancaster" packing. To some of the revolt's leaders, it seemed there were Lancastrians at large, who needed "dealing with".


Footnotes
- [1] An overview of the French Jacquerie of 1358.
- [2] A type of medieval coin.
- [3] Richard Lyons and Lord Latimer were impeached. I hope the overview of Calais's affairs helped, it will be important to the story.
- [4] In OTL, the suspension of the staple in summer 1382 (caused by French aggression) had a similar financial impact on Calais.
- [5] de Treseguidy was involved in the Harelle as royal captain of Paris in 1382 in OTL.
- [6] Inspiration here taken from the Duke of Brunswick during the French Revolution, who threatened to destroy Paris if any harm came to King Louis XVI.

Sources
"The Calais Staple and the Parliament of May 1382" by Gwilym Dodd
"The Financial Administration of Calais during the Reign of Henry IV, 1399-1413" by David Grummitt

Comments?
 
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Richard II watched the battle from The Tower across the River Thames, remarking to his mother that "mean men are making chaos in England and doing great evils in my name."
Rather vague statement though would seem that the young king may be determined to rule over an peaceful kingdom and would be a non- nonsense kind of ruler which would would attempt to secure that anybody could disturb or break said peace...
For some, this confirmed their fears of an anti-revolt sect in the country just waiting to spring up from the woodwork. These hypothetical traitors were often tarred as having loyalty to the arch-enemy John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster
To some of the revolt's leaders, it seemed there were Lancastrians at large, who needed "dealing with".
So, would appear that this English Revolt may be close to radicalize and/or to enter on its own 'Robespearian phase'...
 
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But what Devereux's expedition had revealed was that there was still work to be done to secure the revolt in England. Not only had a foreign power lent their support to crush it, but anti-revolter elements had risen up in Kent, the revolt's heartland. For some, this confirmed their fears of an anti-revolt sect in the country just waiting to spring up from the woodwork. These hypothetical traitors were often tarred as having loyalty to the arch-enemy John of Gaunt, the Duke of Lancaster. From him, the term "Gauntist" and "Lancastrian" become common insults for these perceived enemies of the people, emerging from one soldier's testimony of the battle at Brompton that they had sent the "Whores of Lancaster" packing. To some of the revolt's leaders, it seemed there were Lancastrians at large, who needed "dealing with".

Well, that's not worrying at all, is it?

Great update, and this is a really interesting TL.
 
Chapter 8 – La Merdaille

Chapter 8 – La Merdaille

November 1381 – March 1382

d35fb44ab33fe3a168047c470430a63d.jpg

"Smite a villein and he will bless you; bless a villein and he will smite you"

– Barbara Tuchman, 1978 (A Distant Mirror, p.175)




Devereux's Folly, culminating in the Battle of Southwark, is often recognised as the end of the first phase of the English Revolt. With the Captain of Calais's fall on the battlefield south of London went hope that many of the old ruling class had that this whole mess of could be reversed, the natural order reinstated, and things could once again go back to a relative sense of normality. God clearly had other plans, as the victory was interpreted by Tyler, Ball and the other revolutionaries now in control of England. "God has spoken, and said that there should be no gentleman nor villein in England" Ball preached to Tyler's soldiers in the battle's aftermath.

Devereux's and de Treseguidy's men found that their defeat was not the end of their suffering. Tyler's army knew that there were French knights among the captured enemy. When seeking them out, they would haul a man aside and ask him to say the words "bread and cheese", if he replied in French then he would be taken away and beheaded. Sources differ, but estimates state that from the roughly 500-strong French contingent, over 300 were massacred and several heads were placed on spikes on London Bridge. To the new leaders of England, the Frenchmen were seen as just as much an enemy of the people as Sudbury, Hailes and Gaunt were, and the treatment visited upon them was little better than that visited upon the Flemish weavers of London in summer [1].

Six months on from the initial outbreak of violence in Essex, much had been achieved. The old pillars of governance and the feudal social had crumbled, yet there was still little pre-determined planning as to what to do next? Informal and ad-hoc arrangements had been responsible for much of the change outside of the south and east prior to Carta Communia, and there were few ideas on the constitutional means of moving forward. Prior to Southwark, most work centered on tying off loose ends and appointing new officials to vacant offices. Kempe had been appointed to fill the role of Archbishop of Canterbury on October 21st. Soon after, a new Treasurer was appointed - Robert Sutton, the former Lincoln Mayor and now budding revolutionary. As a wealthy merchant, he had prior experience of handling money and was considered a safe pair of hands. Robert Moore [2], the Cambridge lawyer was appointed to replace the deceased Sudbury as Keeper of the Great Seal, with the powers of the office of Lord Chancellor but without the aristocratic-sounding title. For that matter, other offices of government had "Lord" dropped from them, such as Sutton who was merely titled "Treasurer". Finally, Tyler himself had the old office of "Justiciar" resurrected with himself as its holder [3]. Rather than head of the King's Court, as the office had once entailed, Tyler held this new iteration as a regent for Richard II during his minority. From a roofer in Kent to secundus a rege - second from the King [4]. Richard himself still held little power in his own right, effectively passing from one regency council to another. It was little comfort that his new councilors referred to him as "Richard, second of that name, father of the English and king of a free people" in Carta Communia [5].



The Kingdom of France was the most powerful state in continental Europe to react to the English Revolt, and the second overall after Scotland. News had filtered across the Channel in the weeks after the rebellion's start. Whilst concerned, the French regency had paid little attention to it out of a belief it would eventually be repressed. When it was clear the revolt had not been suppressed, and had instead grown more radical and widespread, the French court began to panic as memories of the Jacquerie came flooding back. This was why they had sent de Treseguidy to England alongside Devereux in the hopes of finishing the rebels off themselves and then extracting political concessions from the restored English court. The army that Devereux and de Treseguidy met at Southwark had not been the mob of the summer, but had developed into a well-armed and combat experienced force that drove the counter-revolters from the field.

Alongside developments in England, the defeat also had ramifications on French politics. The three Dukes serving a regents for the young Charles VI - Anjou, Burgundy and Berry - became extremely worrisome. What would come from this? What of the knights and their accompanying entourage, what was happening to them? There were worries that French commoners would rise up as well, that the chaos and anarchy that was gripping England would find its way across the Channel, maybe even through the English possessions in France. As November turned into December, the arrival of a new Captain in English Calais brought panic among the regency in Paris. There was talk of raising an army to besiege English holdings for the sake of preserving order in their own realm.

There was a problem with doing this, the country was in dire financial straits as it was. In 1380, King Charles V had repealed the hearth tax [6]. This sudden releasing of the tax meant that the war effort could no longer financially sustained. To restart the fight would require money, money the government currently did not have. There was no other realistic choice but to reinstate Charles V's old taxes, risk-fraught though that was. For all their bickering, the three Dukes worked out a plan for 1382. They would take the fight to the English, and then put the lower orders back in their place. Across December 1381 and January of 1382, the Dukes summoned Parisian representatives and were "convinced" to accept the reimposition of the salt tax and customs duties. Tax farmers were appointed as news gradually seeped out to the French public [7]. They had also heard some news of events in England, and whilst they had no intention of directly supporting the English enemy, there were some who were hopeful. If the English could bring their corrupted and ungodly lords to justice, surely they could bring theirs to heel as well. Especially as those magnates were intent on reimposing their hefty taxes, had they not suffered enough?

The news of the taxes was recieved about as well as could be expected, with the first outbreaks of violence erupting in Rouen in early February 1382. On the 6th, a local draper named Jean le Gras stormed the cathedral and began tolling the bells. Elsewhere in Rouen, others closed the city gates and began to fill the streets [8]. The violence in Rouen was not quite as brutal as the violence over in England, but much property was destroyed. The rich, the tax collectors, churches and town councilors were targeted specifically. Like in England, the Roeun rebels began to search for public records, destroying paperwork containing records of debts and rents. Another group of rebels descended on the nearby Abbey of St. Ouen, recovering their 1315 charter - granted by King Louis X - and destroying the gallows [9]. When news reached Paris of the rebellion, the court fell into panic. The Duke of Burgundy left Paris for Rouen with a small army, leaving no armed force to keep order in the capital.

After two day's absence, Paris also fell into revolt. A mob of roughly 500 descended on the tax collector's offices. The mob grew into thousands, and began raiding the Palace de Grève for weapons, and then proceeded to loot and burn churches, wealthy homes, government buildings and the Jewish section of Paris. Riot quickly turned to pogrom as hundreds were killed and the deceased had their children forcibly converted. With no force capable of meeting the rebellion as chains were hoisted on the streets, preventing de Treseguidy - back from England - from restoring order, the royal government left Paris to meet the returning army [10].

The King and the returning army reached the gates of Paris by March. The Duke of Burgundy rode forward to negotiate, finding the rebels inside had three demands:

1. Abolition of all royal taxes

2. Release of prisoners of the Duke of Burgundy

3. Amnesty for all involved in the rebellion [11]​


At the same time as negotiations were underway, the Duke's army seized strategic posts overlooking Paris, cutting it off. Agreeing to release prisoners, he nonetheless refused to agree to any other demands. That night, the city was taken under control of the Parisian guilds, who still kept the gates firmly up.

As news spread of Rouen and Paris, the rest of France erupted into violence, excluding Brittany, Provence and (ironically) Burgundy, where the French crown had no powers of taxation. This also meant no money to raise an army to suppress the revolt. With no other choice, the King and his council agreed to negotiate with the rebels. After agreeing to grant amnesty and repeal the taxes, the Parisian gates were reopened. Afterwards, the rebel leaders were rounded up and executed. Paris were secured, off north to deal with Rouen - which was surprisingly easy as the Norman city opened its gates with no resistance. The revolt's leaders feared execution, and they were right to. Most of the city's rebel leaders were executed in the aftermath [12], the city's charter was revoked and the church bells confiscated. With Rouen secure, much of the rest of France would fall back in line. The Harelle, as the rebellion became known, was a major scare to the French leadership, who would spend the next few years restoring order to the country and eliminating their opponents. Their would still be action to tackle the revolt in England, of that the French leadership had no doubt, but for now it would have to wait.



Southwark had been a scare for the English revolters in many ways. Not only had a foreign power involved itself in attempting to overthrow them, but English aristocrats and other notables had also joined with Devereux and de Treseguidy - in Kent, of all places. There had been fears among some of recalcitrant aristocrats and notables who would betray the revolt, Devereux's expedition had merely solidified those fears. Although hundreds of miles away, John of Gaunt would become the namesake of these supposed enemies, and the attempts made by the new ruling class in London to root them out would turn into one of the darker chapters of English history, the Kentish Purge.


Footnotes
- [1] The Flemish population in London was targeted by the revolters in OTL as well. They were seen as exploiting the common English people and were killed, the phrase "bread and cheese" comes from OTL as well. One of the revolt's darker episodes.
- [2] Sutton was a real person, and a powerful and influential one at that, whilst Moore is fictional. Both have been mentioned elsewhere in the story so far.
- [3] The office of Justiciar was abolished in 1265, it's last holder being Hugh Despencer who was killed at the Battle of Evesham.
- [4] Tyler has effectively made himself England's chief minister here. Though he isn't all powerful due to the nature of medieval politics.
- [5] A similar style of address was given to King Louis XVI of France during the early phase of the French Revolution.
- [6] Charles did this in OTL. No one really knows why though.
- [7] The tax reimposition happened in OTL as well, although for different reasons and here it has been brought forward slightly.
- [8] This is how the Harelle uprising began in OTL as well, although butterflies mean the timing has been brought forward by a few weeks.
- [9] This happened in OTL as well. Recovering their local charters was very common in medieval rebellions, and it happened in England in 1381 both in OTL and here as well.
- [10] Much of this is lifted from OTL.
- [11] OTL demands of the Parisian rebels.
- [12] In OTL, only 12 Rouen rebel leaders were executed. Here, the French government's perception of instability given the events across the English Channel causes a more hardline response.

Sources
 
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Obviously this is decades away yet, but a distrust of government officials may arise from all of this that will lead John Huss to effectively avoid capture and continue to preach. A Hussite Reformation could well occur out of this.

It's amazing to consider that communication is such that Eastern European leaders are probably just now getting word of the revolt. So it will take a while for it's success and the effects of that to manifest.
 
Obviously this is decades away yet, but a distrust of government officials may arise from all of this that will lead John Huss to effectively avoid capture and continue to preach. A Hussite Reformation could well occur out of this.

It's amazing to consider that communication is such that Eastern European leaders are probably just now getting word of the revolt. So it will take a while for it's success and the effects of that to manifest.
Yeah I'm wondering when the common folk will wake up and realize the nobility are their enemy, and will never deal fairly with them.

Don't forget also that it's passed through a long game of telephone. English trader tells a Dutch shopkeeper, who tells a Hansa captain, who tells a Danish port official, who tells a Teutonic knight, who tells a Polish priest, who tells his lord bishop. Who knows how the tale has grown and mutated in the retelling?
 
Im curious about some of the smaller knock-on effects coming out of this revolution.

Firstly, language-wise, its clear that vernacular (middle) English will replace Anglo-Norman French in administration and much of education though Latin would certainly remain as it is.

These events will probably effect Chaucer's works in some way.

I also expect there will be changes to sumptuary law and the forest law
 
Yeah I'm wondering when the common folk will wake up and realize the nobility are their enemy, and will never deal fairly with them.

Don't forget also that it's passed through a long game of telephone. English trader tells a Dutch shopkeeper, who tells a Hansa captain, who tells a Danish port official, who tells a Teutonic knight, who tells a Polish priest, who tells his lord bishop. Who knows how the tale has grown and mutated in the retelling?
Picture the scene, three men in a Ghent tavern:

"Jan, you'll never believe what those English guys down the port told me today. They totally just socked it to their lords!!"
"Peter, go home. That's your fourth ale."
"I'm sorry, the English just did what?"
 
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