24th January 2003:
At the Presidential Palace this morning, President Try Sutrisno held a ceremony to welcome the arrival of Prime Minister of the Netherlands Hans Dijkstal. Once the welcoming ceremony was over, Try and Dijkstal held their initial talks. Try was accompanied by Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Edi Sudrajat while Dijkstal brought Dutch Minister of Foreign Affairs Jan Peter Balkenende with him.
The two began by saying that the two things they have in common is that they were forces of moderation. The Netherlands sees Indonesia as a force of moderation in the Islamic world and Indonesia seeing the Netherlands as a force of moderation helping to make sure that right-wing populists do not emerge victorious. This last comment prompted Dijkstal to say that he got lucky “Fortuyn’s would-be assassin failed” because that could have lead to sympathy votes for the right wingers.
The two spoke about various areas of cooperations between the two countries. But Try was most interested in discussing the United States and its coalition’s intentions towards Yugoslavia and President of Yugoslavia Slobodan Milosevic. Dijkstal and Balkenende said that in the “beginning, had Milosevic ceased operations in Montenegro and acknowledged Milo Dukanovic’s election as President of Montenegro, military action would not be taken against him. But that time has now come and gone, and the United States and its coalition, of which Netherlands is a member, is now calling for Milosevic to step down on account of human rights violations he is presently committing in Montenegro or else be removed forcibly. Balkenende then asked what was Indonesia’s view on the developing situation.
Try said that Indonesia’s preference was for matters to be solved through peaceful means. Pointing to Yugoslavia’s status as a Russian ally, Try said even if military conflict was unavoidable, Indonesia did not want a “wider” military conflict. Half-joking that what Try said was a “standard diplomatic response”, Dijkstal prodded for Indonesia’s stance if the United States and its coalition were to remove Milosevic using military force saying that the White House and 10 Downing Street are aware of this visit, that this matter would be discussed, and that they have encouraged Indonesia to express its stance.
Try shifted in his seat and then began outlining Indonesia’s stance.
“There are three components to our stance”, began Try “The first is this: were the United States and its Coalition were to launch military operations against Yugoslavia up to and including removing the present Yugoslavian Government by force, Indonesia will neither support or condemn the United States and its coalition. If this matter was to come to a vote at the UN, Indonesia would abstain. Indeed, you might say we want to abstain on the issue.
Indonesia is simply too busy with other matters at the moment, such as for example trying to get our Anti-Terrorism Bill passed so that we can prosecute those we apprehended and possess in our custody using that law. It would be a shame if Indonesia would lose its focus on that. Others are may be strong enough to divide their attention between Yugoslavia and the War on Terror, but not us.”
Dijkstal nodded in understanding at what Try was telling him.
“The second component”, Try continued “Indonesia does not want what the United States and its Coalition’s military operations to have a negative impact on Indonesia’s relations with Yugoslavia or its allies.
We don’t want to be pushed to put pressure, whether diplomatic or economic, on Yugoslavia or its allies. At the same time we don’t want our existing cooperation with the United States and its Coalition to be jeopardized because we want to maintain our relationship with Yugoslavia and its allies.
In other words, we want to maintain our good relations with all sides in accordance with our free and active foreign policy.”
“If you don’t mind me asking”, said Dijkstal “By wanting to maintain your relations with Yugoslavia and its allies, would that also include Russia?”
“Of course, Mr. Prime Minister”, said Ginandjar cheerfully “Our two countries are building a smelter to process bauxite into alumina.”
“And would maintaining existing relations with Russia include buying weapons from it?” asked Balkenende “We are aware that your Minister of Defense and Security is in Moscow at this very moment.”
Try chuckled.
“If that’s a concern, would the United States be open to revisiting the matter of our possible purchase of 28 F-16s?” asked Try.
Dijkstal looked at Try.
“The message that was put to us by the White House is that that matter has been settled and will not be reopened”, replied Dijkstal.
“If that matter can no longer be revisited, then the matter of Indonesia buying weapons from Russia is of no concern to the United States”, said Try casually.
There was silence in the room.
“Mr. President”, said Balkenende breaking the silence “You said there were three components to Indonesia’s stance.”
“That’s correct”, continued Try “The third component is regarding to sovereignty. I’m not trying to say that there are differences or similarities between Indonesia or Yugoslavia’s similarities but I am wondering whether, if the United States and its Coalition go ahead with what it proposes to do, there is a bad precedent here for Indonesia?”
“How do you mean, Mr. President?” asked Dijkstal.
“If people were to rise up against this nation with the aim of seceding from it and if the government was to use the power that it has at its disposal to prevent that from happening, what guarantees can we get that the world would not respond by conducting a military operation against us on the grounds of humanitarian intervention and on the grounds that a precedent exists with the operations that is about to be conducted against Yugoslavia?” replied Try.
“You’re saying there is an active separatist movement in Indonesia at the moment, Mr. President?” asked Dijkstal “From what I gather from the intelligence from me, things are quite dormant when it comes to separatism in Indonesia. Even the Republic of South Molucca (RMS), which has a presence in our country, has been very quiet.”
“I’m not talking about whether or not there is an active separatist movement in my country, Mr. Prime Minister”, emphasized Try “I’m talking about whether there is a potential precedent here from what the United States and its Coalition is about to do to Yugoslavia: any nation wanting to maintain its territorial integrity gets so-called humanitarian intervention thrown in their face.”
“I…uh…” stammered Dijkstal.
“I hope there is an answer to my question”, insisted Try.
Friday prayer cut Try and Dijkstal’s meeting short; they would not be scheduled to meet again until the mid-afternoon. Try had lunch by himself and it was at the end of lunch that Edi came by with some news.
“From the Minister of Defense and Security, Mr. President”, said Edi handing a piece of paper.
Try read it and smiled.
“Did you intend for this to happen, of all things, during a visit by a member of the United States’ Coalition?” asked Edi.
“I only wanted to show our free and active foreign policy by having the Minister of Defense and Security in Moscow at the same time purchasing some Russian weapons”, replied Try “But this…this is an opportunity not to be missed.”
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Mid-afternoon saw Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti, Minister of Tourism Soeyono, and State Minister of Youth and Sports Hajriyanto Thohari met with Minister of Economic Affairs Roger van Boxtel, Minister of Development Cooperation Hans Hoogervorst, and State Secretary of Sports Mark Rutte.
Agreements which both delegations agreed to include an agreement between Soeyono and van Boxtel to increase the number of Dutch tourists coming to Indonesia through a marketing campaign and encouraging “Tempo Doeloe Tourism Packages” to visit places such as Jakarta, Bogor, and Bandung. Meanwhile Hajriyanto and Rutte concluded an agreement to facilitate the establishment of a Coerver Coaching Footballing Academy in Indonesia with Dutch aid.
Nobody could fail to notice that both the President of the Republic of Indonesia and the Prime Minister of the Netherlands had delegated the meeting to ministers.
By this time in Jakarta, however, attention was no longer fixed on Dijkstal’s visit but on the $1 billion of credit to buy weapons which Russia had offered to Indonesia.
Dijkstal and Balkenende were within the confines of the Dutch Embassy in Jakarta and it soon emerged that Dijkstal was in a hastily-summoned conference call with Washington, London, Canberra, and Ottawa.
At the Presidential Palace, Try convened a meeting of his own attended by Vice President JB Sumarlin, Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar via a secure line in Moscow, Minister of Finance Mar’ie Muhammad, State Minister of National Security Soerjadi, Edi Sudrajat, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, and Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo.
“I believe that the Russians are very aware that we have failed to get the 28 F-16s, that they want to register some displeasure at China offering only limited assistance to Yugoslavia, and they just want to show the United States that they can attract our support”, Try said to the meeting “I think we should take advantage of this.”
There were murmurs of agreement in the room. The two voices of caution belonged to Sumarlin and Ginandjar. Sumarlin all but interrogated Wismoyo on the financial terms of the credit with the latter responding that the repayment of the credit will only begin in 15 years. When he had responded to Sumarlin’s questioning, Wismoyo half-jokingly reminded Try that someone in the room must be able to say no to Try to prevent him from “going overboard with buying weapons”.
Ginandjar’s caution was about the political strings, he asked whether Russia expects Indonesia’s support on its stance on various international issues. Wismoyo said that President of Russia Yevgeny Primakov and Prime Minister of Vladimir Putin had already given their assurances and that this was a “commercial agreement by an arms exporter” as opposed to a “geopolitical agreement”.
With no further disagreements, Try instructed Wismoyo to sign the agreement with Russia.
Sumarlin then led everyone in the room out except for Wiranto out with Ginandjar and Edi entrusted with the duty of announcing Indonesia’s acceptance of the $1 billion Russian credit to purchase arms.
Military men now stepped into the room with the President: Deputy Commander of ABRI Chappy Hakim, Navy Chief of Staff Djoko Sumaryono, Chief of Police Ansyaad Mbai, ABRI Chief of General Staff Djaja Suparman, Chief of the ABRI Intelligence Agency Amirul Isnaeni, Secretary at the Department of Defense and Security Romulo Simbolon, Assistant of Operation at ABRI Headquarters Syarifuddin Tippe and Assistant of Planning at ABRI Headquarters Noer Muis. Over in Moscow, Wismoyo was joined by Army Chief of Staff TB Hasanuddin and Air Force Chief of Staff Ali Munsiri Rappe.
When the meeting was over, Wiranto and the officers only smiled and did not reveal what was discussed.
The day ended with images from the Kremlin where Wismoyo and Russian Minister of Defense Yuri Maslyukov are seen signing an agreement on the $1 billion credit to buy weapons in the presence of President of Russia Yevgeny Primakov and Prime Minister of Russia Vladimir Putin. Putin spoke to the press saying that given Russia’s status as an arms exporter, the agreement signed is of a commercial rather than a geopolitical nature and that “no big deal” should be made. When asked how China would react, Putin said that China had nothing to worry about militarily from Indonesia.
Back at his hotel, looking exhausted but exhilarated, Wismoyo held a press conference. He announced that as a result of this $1 billion credit the list of weapons systems that he has come to order and/or procure from Russia has necessarily expanded to begin taking advantage of this $1 billion credit. He had arrived in Russia to purchase 24 Mig-29 aircrafts, 12 Sukhoi-30 aircrafts, 40 BMP-3F, and 12 BTR-80s. But now that list, with the approval of the President, has been expanded as follows:
*24 Sukhoi-30 fighter aircrafts
*24 Mig-29 fighter aircrafts
*80 BMP-3F IFVs
*3 Ural-4320 Repairs and Communication Vehicle
*6 BREM-L Armoured Recovery Vehicle
*38 BTR-80 APCs
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Over empty plates that have yet to be cleared, the PKPB’s Prabowo Subianto watched the image of Wismoyo taking questions from the press.
“There is something impressive about this that can’t be denied”, began Prabowo “The President just took advantage of how Russia might feel about China wanting to participate only very minimally in Yugoslavia to strengthen our military. We still have a lot to go before we’re as strong as China but what better way for Russia to show some displeasure at China by arming us.”
Across the table, Governor of Lemhanas Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono also watched the television screen.
“On the Western side of things, this won’t reflect well on how Australia looks in front of the United States”, Yudhoyono analyzed “The Australians’ stubborn insistence that we shouldn’t get the 28 F-16s has ended with us turning to the Russians and the Russians giving us more than we expect.”
“What do you suppose the West will do?” asked Prabowo.
“The West will throw something our way before the Prime Minister of the Netherlands leaves Jakarta tomorrow; because they don’t want to revisit the 28 F-16s for Australia’s sake but they want to compensate us with something, because they don’t want to just sit by and do nothing as we load up on Russian weapons, because they still need us in the War on Terror, and because actually, we’re doing them a favor by showing them that Russia and China doesn’t agree on everything”, replied Yudhoyono.
“The United States on one side, Russia on the other and Indonesia’s the one to take advantage and come out the winner”, Prabowo said “It is a shame that circumstances has placed the President and sister-in-law as opponents.”
The two went silent as the news bulletin went over the day’s events television screen
“My quarrel with him is not with the way he is doing things”, Yudhoyono said at last.
“You’ve kept your head down but being passed over twice for the Army Chief of Staff’s position…that could not have been painless”, replied Prabowo.
Yudhoyono looked down at the table and smiled sourly.
“I am authorized by the Chairwoman of the PKPB to tell you that your talent deserves to be rewarded” said Prabowo “The thing is, she believes that the Army Chief of Staff’s position will be too lowly for you. Perhaps command over ABRI will be more suitable.”
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Off-screen happenings: Fortuyn doesn't get assassinated and the Pim Fortuyn List doesn't get a boost, the VVD, CDA, and D66 manages to scrape through with a coalition.
The whole “If Indonesia is fighting separatists is it going to get a military intervention” deal is based on a friend in OTL who studies international relations summing up the NATO bombings of Yugoslavia as “What if Indonesia was fighting GAM and the world’s reaction is to bomb Jakarta or conduct a military intervention?”
These 24 Sukhoi-30 will join the 12 which Soeharto bought in 1997 but which, unlike in OTL where the purchase was cancelled, were actually delivered because of the better economic situation ITTL.
ITTL, Yudhoyono failed to be Army Chief of Staff twice. The first in 2000 when Luhut was selected over him and in 2002 when TB Hasanuddin was selected over him. Yudhoyono’s unhappiness about not being Army Chief of Staff is based on his OTL reaction when by being named minister in President Wahid’s Cabinet he could not become Army Chief of Staff (
https://www.google.co.id/books/edit...i+yudhoyono+ksad&pg=PA347&printsec=frontcover)
This mini-saga is going to continue to a Part III