But in 1878, Greece was rewarded with Thesaly at the expense of Ottoman Empire, the loser of that war. I cannot see any chance of territorial gain for Greece ....from Russia after Crimea.
Pride Goes Before a Fall: A Revolutionary Greece Timeline
- Thread starter Earl Marshal
- Start date
But in 1878, Greece was rewarded with Thesaly at the expense of Ottoman Empire, the loser of that war. I cannot see any chance of territorial gain for Greece ....from Russia after Crimea.
frankly i believe its easy with leopold on the throne and victoria as queen to get the islands, remember britain gave them as a gift because they didnt worth much compared with cyprus and malta. No true value as well as a rebelious population i dont see why they should keep them, i think the best course of action would be to ask them in exchange for not participate in crimean war.
Oooops, wait a minute.....it's true...
UK cedes Ionian Islands to Greece in exchange for neutrality in Crimea....that makes sense.
Besides that, an improved Greece will have plenty other chances, even sooner, for expansion at every ottoman crisis (war with Egypt, Lebanon intervention.....)
UK cedes Ionian Islands to Greece in exchange for neutrality in Crimea....that makes sense.
Besides that, an improved Greece will have plenty other chances, even sooner, for expansion at every ottoman crisis (war with Egypt, Lebanon intervention.....)
Well Earl Marshall hinted, accurately to OTL while doing so, that the Ionian Islands were only held because Otto/Othon royally pissed off the British. He seemed to imply then that the gift helps to confer legitimacy and with the very Anglophilic and Anglophonic Leopold on the throne of Greece we'll likely see a cession or negotiations for that very early on or when an even more friendly/practical ministry comes in in London to "gift" the islands over. My guess for the cession or alteast for some form of negotiations to begin the cession is sometime between 1836-1841. Long enough for Leopold to prove continual friendship with Britain as king and to show Greece can be a strong and stable* British ally that allows them to shift to a more pro-Greek stance earlier.
* Didn't even mean to meme this in here, but it's accurate in terms of a stable Greece speeding up any cession process.
* Didn't even mean to meme this in here, but it's accurate in terms of a stable Greece speeding up any cession process.
Adore this timeline as always, and I'm learning so much about this era of history - one of the things I treasure most about a great timeline.
So, I was wondering if I might ask for a small request in this timeline. A small thing, I assure you!
So, in OTL, John Quincy Adams' eldest son (George Washington Adams) - after suffering what was probably Depression and alcoholism - committed suicide in 1829. He was a bit of a troublesome member of the family, despite becoming engaged in politics early on; in addition to the heavy drinking, he took a mistress and sired a son out of wedlock. Anyway, the man appears to have inherited the literary ability of his father and grandfather, and to have had the makings of a good orator and poet.
So, with a POD that occurs early in his life, you might have the chance to have some fun with the erstwhile Adams. I was thinking he might have fallen in with the American Phillahellenists and maybe even volunteered to fight in Greece. I doubt his presence would have much chance to sway things in the war (although, I could see his letters back to the United States being well received and could have some impact on public opinion) but, it could have some interesting impacts on his life. I figure he might either settle down a bit or, maybe even more interesting, the reception his letters get encourage him to embark on a literary career. In the later case, he nay still die young, but he could become one of the America's own Romantic poets. Also, keeping him alive longer, probably saves the life of his younger brother John Adams II who turned to drink to deal with the grief over George's suicide and lead to his own early death.
A small thing, and I really doubt that America is going to come into play in this timeline, judging from its relatively low importance during this time. But George Adams could end up becoming an interesting figure in his own right; and as a fan of the Adams clan, I'd like to see them end up a bit happier in the ATL than OTL.
So, I was wondering if I might ask for a small request in this timeline. A small thing, I assure you!
So, in OTL, John Quincy Adams' eldest son (George Washington Adams) - after suffering what was probably Depression and alcoholism - committed suicide in 1829. He was a bit of a troublesome member of the family, despite becoming engaged in politics early on; in addition to the heavy drinking, he took a mistress and sired a son out of wedlock. Anyway, the man appears to have inherited the literary ability of his father and grandfather, and to have had the makings of a good orator and poet.
So, with a POD that occurs early in his life, you might have the chance to have some fun with the erstwhile Adams. I was thinking he might have fallen in with the American Phillahellenists and maybe even volunteered to fight in Greece. I doubt his presence would have much chance to sway things in the war (although, I could see his letters back to the United States being well received and could have some impact on public opinion) but, it could have some interesting impacts on his life. I figure he might either settle down a bit or, maybe even more interesting, the reception his letters get encourage him to embark on a literary career. In the later case, he nay still die young, but he could become one of the America's own Romantic poets. Also, keeping him alive longer, probably saves the life of his younger brother John Adams II who turned to drink to deal with the grief over George's suicide and lead to his own early death.
A small thing, and I really doubt that America is going to come into play in this timeline, judging from its relatively low importance during this time. But George Adams could end up becoming an interesting figure in his own right; and as a fan of the Adams clan, I'd like to see them end up a bit happier in the ATL than OTL.
Greece under King Leopold I will be "mostly" peaceful, so I wouldn't expect many military endeavors under him, but he will certainly utilize his immense diplomatic skills to great effect. There is a reason he is called the Nestor of Europe. The Ionian Islands will be acquired during his reign, and they will be acquired peacefully, but it will coincide with a relatively big event ITTL.
I am certainly open to requests so I will definitely consider it and the United States will come into play ITTL eventually, give or take 10 to 15 parts from now.
Uuugh, with the best of intentions can we not have much 'Murican focus. I see way too often that American authors or readers use European PoDs to spend just as much time "fixing" the USA according to their pet peeves.
Not to say that this will happen here, but I really find it odd how many notionally European TLs have many many 'Murican updates.
Sorry if this comes across as 'Murica bashing, I just find this trend bothers sometimes and if people feel I've crossed the Rubicon into being disrespectful then please alert me so I can edit/delete this post.
Tl:dr; How focused upon Greece will this TL remain, ie how many Europe/World spanning updates will we see. Something like one every decade, or more of less?
Not to say that this will happen here, but I really find it odd how many notionally European TLs have many many 'Murican updates.
Sorry if this comes across as 'Murica bashing, I just find this trend bothers sometimes and if people feel I've crossed the Rubicon into being disrespectful then please alert me so I can edit/delete this post.
Tl:dr; How focused upon Greece will this TL remain, ie how many Europe/World spanning updates will we see. Something like one every decade, or more of less?
Oh no, I totally agree with you, personally. There are a great number of American-centric timelines on this board and there is nothing wrong with having a few where the United States are on the periphery of events (which only makes sense in the early 19th century, when the US was not a prominent player on the world stage). That being said, it would be equally unrealistic to not mention them eventually, since they are still going to be impacted by the events in Europe.
Luckily, judging from the high level of attention towards Greece and European affairs, I highly doubt that our Earl Marshall is going to suddenly switch focus entirely in his narrative.
Don't worry, I may be an American Author but I don't intend on making the United States of America the centerpiece of this timeline. This timeline shall remain primarily focused on Greece, but when some noteworthy butterflies take place elsewhere in the world, I will make a note of it ITTL if I think it justifies an update.
Chapter 32: No Rest for the Weary
Chapter 32: No Rest for the Weary
King Leopold I of Greece
Almost immediately after his coronation, Leopold was beset with problems on all fronts as he took charge of this war-torn land. The Western Morea from Kalamata to Patras had been reduced to a barren wasteland by Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt and his men for the two years he was in the area. Villages and towns had been wiped from the map, their riches plundered, their people killed or enslaved and any sense of law and order in the land had completely collapsed after their sudden arrival and equally sudden withdrawal in 1827. Whole swaths of the country had been effectively depopulated, with hundreds of thousands of people dead, enslaved, settled in refugee camps across the country, or simply missing. Similarly, to the North, the border with the Ottomans remained a lawless zone, prone to bandits and highwaymen who preyed on the locals with impunity.[1] This thievery was continued at sea, where pirates attacked ships and disrupted trade in the Aegean. While it had been greatly hampered thanks to the efforts of Admiral Andreas Miaoulis and the Greek Navy, pirates continued to operate near the Anatolian coast and northern edge of the Aegean, threatening Greek shipping and trade.
The economic state of Greece also proved to be a severe problem as it had been primarily dependent on agriculture and trade before the war, institutions which had both been thoroughly devastated during the war, which left the Government on the verge of bankruptcy after the war. Taxation had rarely been enacted because of the conflict and where it had been implemented it was generally inefficient and unpopular. The collection of tariffs had been equally unpopular and equally rare due to the high volume of piracy on the seas. Another issue was the National Bank of Greece which loomed on the brink of collapse as corrupt policies and rampant debt had gradually drained its deposits and investments. Making matters worse were the unruly Capetanei, regional magnates, who had threatened rebellion against the central authority of the Greek Government if they were not properly compensated monetarily for their services and demanded that their old rights and privileges be restored to them. Though he had been appraised of some of these issues prior to his coronation, most had calmed down substantially during his first month in Greece, likely due to the large naval presence in the region by the British, French, and Russians.
The Allied Fleet also proved to be a point of contention and conflict in Greece. Britain, French, and Russia actively worked to increase their own influence in the nascent Kingdom while simultaneously diminishing that of their rivals. This had the unfortunate effect of reducing cooperation between the Powers when it came to hunting down pirates and restoring order to the countryside. If anything, it increased the unrest throughout the country, if one power supported one group of Greeks, the others would support their adversaries at the expense of the National Government. It was a preposterous situation, and one which the Greeks themselves did little to dissuade, largely because they couldn’t. The alignment and composition of the Greek Government with the election of Leopold as King and the continued prominence of Ioannis Kapodistrias had also done much to sour France’s opinion of Greece. King Leopold was generally viewed by the French as a strong proponent of the British government due to his personal and familial connection to the land. Kapodistrias, meanwhile, was considered as little more than an instrument of the Russian Government and an unwitting pawn of Tsar Nicholas meant solely to strengthen their hold on the region.[2] Under the impression that they had little prospects in Greece and troubled with emerging unrest at home, much of the French Expeditionary Force was recalled in the days following Leopold’s coronation.
Leopold would learn an important lesson during his first few days in Greece, for all intents and purposes the people of Greece lacked a singular national spirit. Though they considered themselves to be “Greek” they did not truly understand what it meant. Generations of foreign rule had managed to erode much of the cohesiveness of the Greek people who had been reverted to a tribal societal structure with the idea of Hellenism extending only to the edge of their respective communities. Many considered themselves to be Maniots, Moreots, Arcadians, Souliotes, Arvanites, Hydriots, Spetsiots, Chians, and many others rather than Greeks, which was itself a concept that had only reemerged in recent years. By all accounts, Greece was a country that was expected to fail, it was a state that only existed because of the mercy and good will of the Great Powers. Leopold endeavored to prove them all wrong. Faced with so many problems at once, Leopold chose to confront the ones he could deal with personally, the pirates and the bandits, while leaving the those in the realm of politics to Kapodistrias.[3]
Though he had technically been granted control of the armed forces through the Constitution as Commander in Chief, it was generally expected to be nothing more than a formality, with much of the real control being exerted by his ministers and generals. Leopold, however, had every intention of broadening his power and cementing his role in Greece by using the crisis which he now found himself within. Directing the Greek Navy under Admiral Andreas Miaoulis to begin curtailing the piracy in the Aegean with all the ships available to him, Leopold himself took direct control of the army and departed for the border with the Ottoman Empire. Over the course of the next two months, Leopold spent his time chasing bandits and brigands through the hills, establishing guard posts along the border, and generally meting out justice in the region before finally handing over command of the operation to the Souliot Markos Botsaris.
The Hellenic Army Hunting Bandits
Returning to Nafplion in early November, Leopold found the situation with the Islanders and Maniotes had scarily improved, if anything it had gotten worse in his absence. Angered at the loss of their autonomy under Kapodistrias’ government, the magnates of Greece had all but entered into revolt. Since arriving in the country over three years ago, Kapodistrias had worked to rein in the various provinces and actors across the country by implementing a tighter system of governance over the provinces of Greece. While it had been successful in most parts of the country, some regions of Greece now found themselves with less freedoms than they had enjoyed under the Sultan. Many had also been incensed by Kapodistrias’ power grab during the Fourth National Assembly in 1828 which had resulted in the weakening of the Senate and the strengthening of the Governor’s office. Chief among the malcontents were the Hydriots and Spetsiots, who along with the Maniotes, now appeared on the edge of rebellion against Kapodistrias. The matter was made worse by the fact that Leopold, in his ignorance of Greek politics, had given command of the Greek Navy to the Hydriot Andreas Miaoulis who had now retreated to the island of Poros and threaten to burn the fleet should their demands not be met.
Leopold, using his newness to his advantage, went to treat with Miaoulis to reach an amiable end to the conflict. Presenting himself as a neutral party in the conflict between Kapodistrias and his opponents, King Leopold offered himself as an unbiased arbitrator for which they could air their grievances. Miaoulis coming to trust King Leopold recounted how the Hydriots had invested their fortunes, their ships, and their lives into the war effort, and with the war now over they wished to receive payment for their services. When Georgios Kountouriotis and the Hydriot ship captains brought this request to Kapodistrias in October, he scoffed at their demands for repayment. Kapodistrias in his defense, had nothing to pay them with as the Government lingered on the cusp of bankruptcy and could only generate enough income to pay its current expense, let alone compensate the numerous investors and supporters should they come looking for the return on their investments.
Leopold came to find himself in agreement with Kapodistrias. From a purely economic standpoint, the Greek Government simply did not have the means to repay the Hydriots and all their other financial supporters. Still he could not simply allow the Hydriots to continue their revolt and so he offered to compensate them from his own pocket. Rather than paying them directly, he donated what funds he did have to the Greek Government, and then directed them to make payments to the Hydriots. Though it did not fulfill the entirety of their arrears, it bought Leopold and the Greek Government some time to negotiate, it also allowed Leopold to remove Miaoulis from control of the Greek fleet by making him the King’s chief naval advisor. He also awarded the Admiral with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Redeemer for his service to Greece. With Miaoulis removed from command, Leopold installed the loyal Admiral Constantine Kanaris as commander of the Greek Navy and instructed him disperse the disloyal Hydriots and Spetsiots sailors among the pro government ships and replace them with men loyal to the government. Though there was some scuffling between the sailors, no one was seriously injured in the ensuing takeover.
Admiral Andreas Miaoulis
With their ships now under the government’s control, Leopold had neutralized the militaristic threat from the Islanders, forcing them to come to terms. Provided they ceased all seditious activity, Leopold promised to provide proper compensation to the Islanders as soon as the state's budget improved. But as soon as one crisis had ended another began in the Mani. The Government appointed governor to the region had been forcibly expelled from the Mani by force, and all efforts to enforce the government’s authority in the region had been met with violence on the part of the Maniotes. The primary agitator in the Mani was the war hero Petros Mavromichalis, whose status as the last Bey of the Mani invoked respect and legitimacy in the region where an outsider could not. Added to that was his family’s impressive record from the war of independence which had resulted in a series of stinging defeats against Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt.
King Leopold dispatched emissaries to meet with Petrobey and his brothers and broach the prospect of a meeting to negotiate a solution to this impasse. Kapodistrias was of the mind to arrest and imprison Petros and his brother Tzanis when they arrived in Nafplion on the 10th of December as was the right and proper punishment for their offense against the law. Leopold, having given his word for an honest dialogue between the two sides rejected the brash measure from the Count as it would ruin not only the King’s reputation, but also that of the Government itself in the eyes of the people. To so blatantly betray the good will of two men, even if those men deserved imprisonment, would destroy any notion of unity Kapodistrias and Leopold wished to construct among the Greeks. So, it was that the meeting between the Mavromichalis brothers, the Count, and the King took place. Grievances were heard, compromises were reached and everyone walked away from the feeling somewhat better regarding the arrangement than they had anticipated. Leopold recalled the previous governor and in his place, he appointed Petros Mavromichalis as Governor of Laconia in his stead. It was a temporary measure that went halfway towards his goal of centralization and one which would need a permanent solution rather soon.
Of all the main actors from this brief crisis, only King Leopold emerged with his reputation enhanced. His courage in battle, his calmness in the face of hardship, and his common-sense solutions had proven effective in this time of trouble winning over many of his doubters. He had shown strength but also magnanimity to those that sought to oppose him, he exhibited sternness but also a reasonable degree of flexibility. Seeking a more permanent solution, Leopold, together with Kapodistrias and the Legislature embarked on a systematic reformation of the administrative, economic, and military institutions of Greece that would shape the course of things to come.
Next Time: Reformation
[1] It has widely been believed that the Ottomans were permitting their brigands to cross the border and raid the Greek countryside.
[2] This opinion was shared by the British who actively worked to unseat Kapodistrias in OTL and ITTL to a lesser extent. Believing him to be a Russian agent, the British Government supported Kapodistrias’ rivals and opponents, prompting many to revolt against him in 1830 and 1831. Ultimately, in a way the British are responsible, at least partially for the death of Ioannis Kapodistrias due to their interloping and interference into Greek politics.
[3] When Leopold became King of Belgium in 1831, the Netherlands invaded sparking the 10 Days Campaign. Rather than have the French Army fight off the Dutch, Leopold took command of the Belgian “Army” and went to fight the Dutch near Antwerp. It was a complete disaster and the French were forced to intervene, but it showed Leopold’s willingness to fight for his throne, which he will certainly need in Greece as well.
King Leopold I of Greece
Almost immediately after his coronation, Leopold was beset with problems on all fronts as he took charge of this war-torn land. The Western Morea from Kalamata to Patras had been reduced to a barren wasteland by Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt and his men for the two years he was in the area. Villages and towns had been wiped from the map, their riches plundered, their people killed or enslaved and any sense of law and order in the land had completely collapsed after their sudden arrival and equally sudden withdrawal in 1827. Whole swaths of the country had been effectively depopulated, with hundreds of thousands of people dead, enslaved, settled in refugee camps across the country, or simply missing. Similarly, to the North, the border with the Ottomans remained a lawless zone, prone to bandits and highwaymen who preyed on the locals with impunity.[1] This thievery was continued at sea, where pirates attacked ships and disrupted trade in the Aegean. While it had been greatly hampered thanks to the efforts of Admiral Andreas Miaoulis and the Greek Navy, pirates continued to operate near the Anatolian coast and northern edge of the Aegean, threatening Greek shipping and trade.
The economic state of Greece also proved to be a severe problem as it had been primarily dependent on agriculture and trade before the war, institutions which had both been thoroughly devastated during the war, which left the Government on the verge of bankruptcy after the war. Taxation had rarely been enacted because of the conflict and where it had been implemented it was generally inefficient and unpopular. The collection of tariffs had been equally unpopular and equally rare due to the high volume of piracy on the seas. Another issue was the National Bank of Greece which loomed on the brink of collapse as corrupt policies and rampant debt had gradually drained its deposits and investments. Making matters worse were the unruly Capetanei, regional magnates, who had threatened rebellion against the central authority of the Greek Government if they were not properly compensated monetarily for their services and demanded that their old rights and privileges be restored to them. Though he had been appraised of some of these issues prior to his coronation, most had calmed down substantially during his first month in Greece, likely due to the large naval presence in the region by the British, French, and Russians.
The Allied Fleet also proved to be a point of contention and conflict in Greece. Britain, French, and Russia actively worked to increase their own influence in the nascent Kingdom while simultaneously diminishing that of their rivals. This had the unfortunate effect of reducing cooperation between the Powers when it came to hunting down pirates and restoring order to the countryside. If anything, it increased the unrest throughout the country, if one power supported one group of Greeks, the others would support their adversaries at the expense of the National Government. It was a preposterous situation, and one which the Greeks themselves did little to dissuade, largely because they couldn’t. The alignment and composition of the Greek Government with the election of Leopold as King and the continued prominence of Ioannis Kapodistrias had also done much to sour France’s opinion of Greece. King Leopold was generally viewed by the French as a strong proponent of the British government due to his personal and familial connection to the land. Kapodistrias, meanwhile, was considered as little more than an instrument of the Russian Government and an unwitting pawn of Tsar Nicholas meant solely to strengthen their hold on the region.[2] Under the impression that they had little prospects in Greece and troubled with emerging unrest at home, much of the French Expeditionary Force was recalled in the days following Leopold’s coronation.
Leopold would learn an important lesson during his first few days in Greece, for all intents and purposes the people of Greece lacked a singular national spirit. Though they considered themselves to be “Greek” they did not truly understand what it meant. Generations of foreign rule had managed to erode much of the cohesiveness of the Greek people who had been reverted to a tribal societal structure with the idea of Hellenism extending only to the edge of their respective communities. Many considered themselves to be Maniots, Moreots, Arcadians, Souliotes, Arvanites, Hydriots, Spetsiots, Chians, and many others rather than Greeks, which was itself a concept that had only reemerged in recent years. By all accounts, Greece was a country that was expected to fail, it was a state that only existed because of the mercy and good will of the Great Powers. Leopold endeavored to prove them all wrong. Faced with so many problems at once, Leopold chose to confront the ones he could deal with personally, the pirates and the bandits, while leaving the those in the realm of politics to Kapodistrias.[3]
Though he had technically been granted control of the armed forces through the Constitution as Commander in Chief, it was generally expected to be nothing more than a formality, with much of the real control being exerted by his ministers and generals. Leopold, however, had every intention of broadening his power and cementing his role in Greece by using the crisis which he now found himself within. Directing the Greek Navy under Admiral Andreas Miaoulis to begin curtailing the piracy in the Aegean with all the ships available to him, Leopold himself took direct control of the army and departed for the border with the Ottoman Empire. Over the course of the next two months, Leopold spent his time chasing bandits and brigands through the hills, establishing guard posts along the border, and generally meting out justice in the region before finally handing over command of the operation to the Souliot Markos Botsaris.
The Hellenic Army Hunting Bandits
Returning to Nafplion in early November, Leopold found the situation with the Islanders and Maniotes had scarily improved, if anything it had gotten worse in his absence. Angered at the loss of their autonomy under Kapodistrias’ government, the magnates of Greece had all but entered into revolt. Since arriving in the country over three years ago, Kapodistrias had worked to rein in the various provinces and actors across the country by implementing a tighter system of governance over the provinces of Greece. While it had been successful in most parts of the country, some regions of Greece now found themselves with less freedoms than they had enjoyed under the Sultan. Many had also been incensed by Kapodistrias’ power grab during the Fourth National Assembly in 1828 which had resulted in the weakening of the Senate and the strengthening of the Governor’s office. Chief among the malcontents were the Hydriots and Spetsiots, who along with the Maniotes, now appeared on the edge of rebellion against Kapodistrias. The matter was made worse by the fact that Leopold, in his ignorance of Greek politics, had given command of the Greek Navy to the Hydriot Andreas Miaoulis who had now retreated to the island of Poros and threaten to burn the fleet should their demands not be met.
Leopold, using his newness to his advantage, went to treat with Miaoulis to reach an amiable end to the conflict. Presenting himself as a neutral party in the conflict between Kapodistrias and his opponents, King Leopold offered himself as an unbiased arbitrator for which they could air their grievances. Miaoulis coming to trust King Leopold recounted how the Hydriots had invested their fortunes, their ships, and their lives into the war effort, and with the war now over they wished to receive payment for their services. When Georgios Kountouriotis and the Hydriot ship captains brought this request to Kapodistrias in October, he scoffed at their demands for repayment. Kapodistrias in his defense, had nothing to pay them with as the Government lingered on the cusp of bankruptcy and could only generate enough income to pay its current expense, let alone compensate the numerous investors and supporters should they come looking for the return on their investments.
Leopold came to find himself in agreement with Kapodistrias. From a purely economic standpoint, the Greek Government simply did not have the means to repay the Hydriots and all their other financial supporters. Still he could not simply allow the Hydriots to continue their revolt and so he offered to compensate them from his own pocket. Rather than paying them directly, he donated what funds he did have to the Greek Government, and then directed them to make payments to the Hydriots. Though it did not fulfill the entirety of their arrears, it bought Leopold and the Greek Government some time to negotiate, it also allowed Leopold to remove Miaoulis from control of the Greek fleet by making him the King’s chief naval advisor. He also awarded the Admiral with the Grand Cross of the Order of the Redeemer for his service to Greece. With Miaoulis removed from command, Leopold installed the loyal Admiral Constantine Kanaris as commander of the Greek Navy and instructed him disperse the disloyal Hydriots and Spetsiots sailors among the pro government ships and replace them with men loyal to the government. Though there was some scuffling between the sailors, no one was seriously injured in the ensuing takeover.
Admiral Andreas Miaoulis
With their ships now under the government’s control, Leopold had neutralized the militaristic threat from the Islanders, forcing them to come to terms. Provided they ceased all seditious activity, Leopold promised to provide proper compensation to the Islanders as soon as the state's budget improved. But as soon as one crisis had ended another began in the Mani. The Government appointed governor to the region had been forcibly expelled from the Mani by force, and all efforts to enforce the government’s authority in the region had been met with violence on the part of the Maniotes. The primary agitator in the Mani was the war hero Petros Mavromichalis, whose status as the last Bey of the Mani invoked respect and legitimacy in the region where an outsider could not. Added to that was his family’s impressive record from the war of independence which had resulted in a series of stinging defeats against Ibrahim Pasha of Egypt.
King Leopold dispatched emissaries to meet with Petrobey and his brothers and broach the prospect of a meeting to negotiate a solution to this impasse. Kapodistrias was of the mind to arrest and imprison Petros and his brother Tzanis when they arrived in Nafplion on the 10th of December as was the right and proper punishment for their offense against the law. Leopold, having given his word for an honest dialogue between the two sides rejected the brash measure from the Count as it would ruin not only the King’s reputation, but also that of the Government itself in the eyes of the people. To so blatantly betray the good will of two men, even if those men deserved imprisonment, would destroy any notion of unity Kapodistrias and Leopold wished to construct among the Greeks. So, it was that the meeting between the Mavromichalis brothers, the Count, and the King took place. Grievances were heard, compromises were reached and everyone walked away from the feeling somewhat better regarding the arrangement than they had anticipated. Leopold recalled the previous governor and in his place, he appointed Petros Mavromichalis as Governor of Laconia in his stead. It was a temporary measure that went halfway towards his goal of centralization and one which would need a permanent solution rather soon.
Of all the main actors from this brief crisis, only King Leopold emerged with his reputation enhanced. His courage in battle, his calmness in the face of hardship, and his common-sense solutions had proven effective in this time of trouble winning over many of his doubters. He had shown strength but also magnanimity to those that sought to oppose him, he exhibited sternness but also a reasonable degree of flexibility. Seeking a more permanent solution, Leopold, together with Kapodistrias and the Legislature embarked on a systematic reformation of the administrative, economic, and military institutions of Greece that would shape the course of things to come.
Next Time: Reformation
[1] It has widely been believed that the Ottomans were permitting their brigands to cross the border and raid the Greek countryside.
[2] This opinion was shared by the British who actively worked to unseat Kapodistrias in OTL and ITTL to a lesser extent. Believing him to be a Russian agent, the British Government supported Kapodistrias’ rivals and opponents, prompting many to revolt against him in 1830 and 1831. Ultimately, in a way the British are responsible, at least partially for the death of Ioannis Kapodistrias due to their interloping and interference into Greek politics.
[3] When Leopold became King of Belgium in 1831, the Netherlands invaded sparking the 10 Days Campaign. Rather than have the French Army fight off the Dutch, Leopold took command of the Belgian “Army” and went to fight the Dutch near Antwerp. It was a complete disaster and the French were forced to intervene, but it showed Leopold’s willingness to fight for his throne, which he will certainly need in Greece as well.
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AussieHawker
Banned
So with the enslaving carried out by the Ottomans and Egyptians. Was it a part of the peace treaty that they had to return them to Greece? Or did the Greeks have to buy their freedom themselves?
In 1830, Sultan Mahmud II issued a firman freeing all the "White" slaves, with White being analog for European or Christian. So yes, all the Greek slaves were technically freed after the war ended.
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One thing that won't be changing in TTL Greece is the "we don't recognize any titles" thing. Yes there were counts in the Ionian islands but this was not taken all that serious in the rest of Greece. In that sense megas doux being nothing else than grand duke and being the actual translation of the title of for example Russian rand dukes into Greek is hopelessly compromised and certainly not usable in its late Byzantine role. Unless you want people thinking Leopold tried to make Miaoulis a grand duke. 
As a matter of fact navarchos was already in use at this time for admiral. Miaoulis should be the only one. I know some would like to put something of a more Byzantine overtone, but in the case of Greek military ranks and unit names they are already a mix of ancient Greek and Byzantine terms not that you can easily separate them since the ancient terms had been recycled into Byzantine usage (navarchos being a case in point).
Two more minor points. I think Kapodistrias had already sent Miaoulis to take care of the pirate problem before 1830 and the latter had taken care of it decisively. On land quite a bit of banditry OTL was due to the Bavarian regents dismissing the Greeks from the army. This won't be happening TTL but as you say you'll still be having problems on the border, Greece and the Ottoman empire won't be establishing official diplomatic relations till 1840 or so, hence criminals crossing the border to avoid capture or raid will be an issue.
Compensation to the islanders is going to be an issue, their legitimate claims run in the millions of francs, just the Kounduriotis family had recognized claims of about two millions (and had spent probably even more), for most of the war the Hydra, Spetsai and Psara had financed the fleet on their very own with very little outside help. But not treating them in the rather heavy handed manner of Kapodistrias should suffice to keep things under wraps, particularly when couple with less British meddling (or even meddling in the reverse to support Leopold).
One last thought. OTL council of state was created in 1835 on the French model but also as a place to safely put big names of the revolution like Miaoulis or Mauromichalis. Perhaps it should come to being a little faster.
As a matter of fact navarchos was already in use at this time for admiral. Miaoulis should be the only one. I know some would like to put something of a more Byzantine overtone, but in the case of Greek military ranks and unit names they are already a mix of ancient Greek and Byzantine terms not that you can easily separate them since the ancient terms had been recycled into Byzantine usage (navarchos being a case in point).
Two more minor points. I think Kapodistrias had already sent Miaoulis to take care of the pirate problem before 1830 and the latter had taken care of it decisively. On land quite a bit of banditry OTL was due to the Bavarian regents dismissing the Greeks from the army. This won't be happening TTL but as you say you'll still be having problems on the border, Greece and the Ottoman empire won't be establishing official diplomatic relations till 1840 or so, hence criminals crossing the border to avoid capture or raid will be an issue.
Compensation to the islanders is going to be an issue, their legitimate claims run in the millions of francs, just the Kounduriotis family had recognized claims of about two millions (and had spent probably even more), for most of the war the Hydra, Spetsai and Psara had financed the fleet on their very own with very little outside help. But not treating them in the rather heavy handed manner of Kapodistrias should suffice to keep things under wraps, particularly when couple with less British meddling (or even meddling in the reverse to support Leopold).
One last thought. OTL council of state was created in 1835 on the French model but also as a place to safely put big names of the revolution like Miaoulis or Mauromichalis. Perhaps it should come to being a little faster.
I going for commander of the navy aspect more than the grand duke title aspect, but yeah I'll change that asap to prevent any confusion.One thing that won't be changing in TTL Greece is the "we don't recognize any titles" thing. Yes there were counts in the Ionian islands but this was not taken all that serious in the rest of Greece. In that sense megas doux being nothing else than grand duke and being the actual translation of the title of for example Russian rand dukes into Greek is hopelessly compromised and certainly not usable in its late Byzantine role. Unless you want people thinking Leopold tried to make Miaoulis a grand duke.
As a matter of fact navarchos was already in use at this time for admiral. Miaoulis should be the only one. I know some would like to put something of a more Byzantine overtone, but in the case of Greek military ranks and unit names they are already a mix of ancient Greek and Byzantine terms not that you can easily separate them since the ancient terms had been recycled into Byzantine usage (navarchos being a case in point).
Two more minor points. I think Kapodistrias had already sent Miaoulis to take care of the pirate problem before 1830 and the latter had taken care of it decisively. On land quite a bit of banditry OTL was due to the Bavarian regents dismissing the Greeks from the army. This won't be happening TTL but as you say you'll still be having problems on the border, Greece and the Ottoman empire won't be establishing official diplomatic relations till 1840 or so, hence criminals crossing the border to avoid capture or raid will be an issue.
Compensation to the islanders is going to be an issue, their legitimate claims run in the millions of francs, just the Kounduriotis family had recognized claims of about two millions (and had spent probably even more), for most of the war the Hydra, Spetsai and Psara had financed the fleet on their very own with very little outside help. But not treating them in the rather heavy handed manner of Kapodistrias should suffice to keep things under wraps, particularly when couple with less British meddling (or even meddling in the reverse to support Leopold).
One last thought. OTL council of state was created in 1835 on the French model but also as a place to safely put big names of the revolution like Miaoulis or Mauromichalis. Perhaps it should come to being a little faster.
That is a good point about Byzantine and Ancient Greek titles, ranks, and offices and one which I'll try to keep a better handle on in the future.Kapodistrias immediately went after the pirates in OTL and he did that as well in TTL so I'll tone down the piracy problem as well.
Kapodistrias as great as his policies were, really shot himself in the foot in regards to his poor people skills so having someone like Leopold hear the Islander's grievances should result in a better outcome as you said.
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It is certainly an unenviable position to be in, but if his OTL record in Belgium is any indication, he should be fine in Greece. I haven't really done an extensive outline of his heirs but I will agree that Leopold I will probably be one of the best Saxe-Coburgs of Greece, certainly top two or three.
For someone who made a career as a diplomat, Kapodistrias was rather undiplomatic during his time in Greece OTL. He was generally an abrasive figure towards a lot of the early Greek leaders primarily because he didn't trust them with any degree of power. Honestly you can't blame him considering these same leaders had fought two devastating civil wars against each other, they had lost much of their territory in the war through their bickering and bad policies, and Greece had gone bankrupt among several other terrible things. So his solution was to hoard power under himself and a small group of his supporters, which ultimately cost him his life.
Leopold on the other hand was an incredibly adept diplomat surprisingly given his lack of experience in the field before becoming King of Belgium. While he was a very dull and unenthusiastic person in private, he was incredibly articulate and quick witted in his conversations, renowned as the Nestor of Europe for his diplomatic acumen. He also made use of his children, his nieces, and his nephews to forge marriage alliances with the crowned heads of Europe with his son and daughter marrying into the Hapsburgs, his nephew becoming King Consort in Portugal, another nephew became King of Bulgaria, and most prominently the United Kingdom with his niece Victoria marrying his nephew Albert.
I've probably exaggerated some of the problems featured in the last part for dramatic effect, but Greece did have some rather serious problems after the war in OTL.
In OTL, the British and French really disliked Ioannis Kapodistrias, believing him to be nothing more than a pawn of the Russian Tsar. To that end, they supported his political opponents against him, chief among them being the Maniotes, the Hydriots, and the other Islanders. The Hydriots, Psariots, and Spetsiots opposed Kapodistrias because he wanted the Government to take control of their customs dues that had previously been under the Islanders control, and something which had been their primary source of income for their local municipalities. Kapodistrias was also not very eloquent in his response to their recompensation requests and in the process he agitated them even further. When Kapodistrias attempted to regain control over Hydra, Andreas Miaoulis captured the Greek fleet at Poros and destroyed several ships, including the outrageously expensive American made Frigate Hellas when the Russian fleet attempted to intervene.
The incident with the Maniots is what ultimately led to Kapodistrias' death in OTL, as he imprisoned Petros Mavromichalis and his brother Tzanis after promising to meet with them and work out a solution. In response, Petros' son Georgios and his brother Konstantis killed Kapodistrias. Kapodistrias' death essentially resulted in a period of anarachy in Greece that would last until Otto and the Bavarians arrived in late 1832/early 1833. Most of Kapodistrias' reforms were rescinded during this time, bandits ran wild in the borderlands, the Moreots fought against the Roumeliotes in another civil war, and it was honestly a complete mess all over. Otto, despite his best intentions made things worse with his Absolutism, his Regency was awful, and his many of his policies were bad as well.
Having Leopold as King completely avoids the issues of a regency, he generally seemed willing to work under a constitution as King of Belgium provided he still had some power, and he was relatively hands off in terms of government policy and would only intervene if he felt it was necessary or urgent. His ability to overrule Kapodistrias' more "aggressive" decisions should work to their mutual benefit and the benefit of Greece.