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International Stature:
Fellow Indonesians,
What we have achieved economically and what we have achieved by undertaking national development, does not only make it possible for us to look after the welfare and well-being of our fellow citizens. It also makes us better able to make our voice heard to the world and for the world, in turn, to better hear what we are saying.
The international situation in the last few years had developed into something that experts are still debating about: are we in a New Cold War between the United States and Russia or are we now in a multipolar world where nations such as France, Germany, Japan, the United Kingdom, China, and India are aspiring and seeking to become the “poles” in such a world. After 11th September 2001, the world also became a more complicated place with the 9/11 terrorist attacks in New York, Washington DC, and Chicago.
In this international environment, the Government continues to adhere to the principles of our tried and tested free and active foreign policy. Indonesia continues to be active in such forums as ASEAN, APEC, and NAM while also deepening our participation in the G-15, beginning to take a serious part of the IORA and being invited to the first unofficial BRICI Summit scheduled for May 2003 in Rio De Janeiro, Brazil. We have attracted investment from the developed world while intensifying trade from the developing world.
Ultimately however, what we are freely and actively pursuing in our free and active foreign policy are our interests. This is best represented by the Government’s success in securing a 10-year moratorium on the repayment of debt in 2001 from the West whilst at the same time being receiving a $1 billion credit to purchase weapons from Russia.
In foreign policy, Indonesia’s priority remains our immediate region of Southeast Asia and ASEAN, the organization we have helped build and foster for 35 years. In the present international climate, it is the Government’s stance that ASEAN must seek its own path, a path that will be beneficial to the interests of its member states. But in order to that, ASEAN members must not allow themselves to be turned into the proxies of powers seeking to increase their influence in Southeast Asia.
From 2000 onwards, the Government began promoting the idea that the best source of national security for Southeast Asian nations is from Southeast Asia itself by working together and coordinating our stance together on the major issues of international affairs. There are nations in our region for which this idea of ours has struck a chord, there are nations that are still doubt about and there are nations which have outright rejected our idea.
These differences of opinion is fine and Indonesia accepts this as part of the discussion and debate in the region. We accept it because we are not a hegemon seeking to impose our will on the region nor are we aspiring to be one. In playing a more assertive role over the past few years in the region, the Government is mindful that when it comes to matters regarding Southeast Asia, the best way forward is together and collectively, with the combined strength of all ASEAN members moving as one rather than one nation forcing its will on the others.
What has not been up for discussion and debate has been the fact that there are powers seeking to actively interfere in Southeast Asian affairs. In 2001, this power tried to establish a party leadership in Vietnam friendly to it though the resilience of the Vietnamese was once again not to be underestimated. In 2002, more successfully, this power supported a coup d’etat against the rightful government in Myanmar.
Our policy as regards the People’s Republic of China is that it must be checked and prevented from gaining undue influence in the region. If the People’s Republic of China truly respects ASEAN and Southeast Asia, it must respectfully engage the region in dialogue instead of seeking to infiltrate ASEAN through the cultivation and installation of governments that adopt a friendly stance towards it. It is for this reason that in the aftermath of the 2002 Myanmarian Coup, the Government has decided to welcome the presence of Lt. Gen. Shwe Mann, his men, and their families…”
Applause from the MPR’s PKPI Delegates as the camera pans to Shwe Mann who was sitting in the audience.
“If the Government has not taken this step then we would not have been observing to ASEAN’s commitment to Southeast Asia being a Zone of Peace, Freedom and Neutrality. We would not have been observing ASEAN’s commitment that Southeast Asia will be “free from any form or manner of interference by outside Powers”. The Government did not take this step out of bravado, the Government took this step because Indonesia is committed to ASEAN.
Indonesia’s commitment to ASEAN was why we lobbied for the resumption of the implementation of AFTA. This was a commitment agreed to in 1992 by ASEAN Members and which was suspended in 1998 so as to allow member states to focus on their own economic recovery. At the 2002 ASEAN Summit, Indonesia threw its support behind the resumption of AFTA and ASEAN Member States agreed that AFTA will resume again on 1st January 2004.”
From his seat with the MPR’s Group Delegates, Ginandjar Kartasasmita watched on as the PKPI Delegates erupted into applause again.
“Another matter in foreign policy where the Government took a decisive stance is as relates the aftermath of the 9/11 Terrorist Attacks. On this matter, the Government’s stance is very clear, that the Government is firmly against terrorism perpetrated by religious extremists and is willing to take action against those intending to express their religion extremism through terrorism.
The Government took this stance not because it is anti-Islamic but precisely because it is very aware of Indonesia’s place in the Islamic world. We do not have the Two Holy Mosques but we do have the largest Islamic population in the world and based on this fact, the Government has determined that the perpetrators of 9/11 and their sympathizers cannot be allowed to get away with claiming that they speak for all Muslims. I have said it before and I will say again now, if someone commits a crime in your name and you do not like it, it’s not enough for you to say that you do not approve. You have to also take action against those very same people.
It is for this reason that we conducted operations against Jemaah Islamiyah in August 2002 and why we have sent a contingent of ABRI soldiers to the Philippines to help fight insurgents there in December 2001. We have a role to play in this matter and we will continue to play it.
Defense and Security:
Mr. Chairman,
The level of national development we have achieved has not only made it possible for the Government to look after the well-being of the nation and to have stature in international affairs, it has also made it possible for us to strengthen our military capability.
Indeed, other than the various infrastructure projects which we have completed, the next most visible sign of the progress the Government is making are in the weapons systems that has been procured and being delivered to Indonesia. From the outset, I wish to state to Indonesians and to other nations around the world, that Indonesia does not have aggressive intentions. Indonesia merely wishes to have a level of defense spending commensurate with its international stature, its current level of economic development, and, bearing in mind that Indonesia’s defense spending as a percentage of its GDP is still low when compared with other Southeast Asian nations, at a level nearer to that the defense spending of other Southeast Asian nations.
Let me also reiterate that our defense budget and defense spending is conditional on the nation’s economic performance and on prevailing economic conditions. It will never get in the way of our other national development priorities. During the Asian Financial Crisis between 1997 and 1999 and during the world economic downturn in 2001, the Government limited procurement; accelerating again when it has become clear that the economic situation was conducive.”
The camera panned to Vice President JB Sumarlin sitting in his seat and nodding in agreement to what was being said.
“In addition to the procurement of various weapons systems for the four branches of ABRI, the Government also strengthened ABRI’s capacity by expanding it. At this very moment that I am standing in front of you, the Army’s Kostrad now has a 3rd Infantry Division and this division is already operational. Meanwhile, the expansion of the Army’s Regional Military Commands from 10 to 15, the expansion of the Navy’s Fleet Commands from 2 to 3, and the expansion of the Air Force’s Operation Commands from 2 to 3 only awaits final approval. Meanwhile, expansions of the Air Force’s Korpaskhas, the Navy’s Marine Corps, and the Police’s Brimob are further down the pipeline.”
There was applause, this time from the ABRI Delegates’ section. Sitting in the front row of the ABRI Delegates, Wiranto’s stoic expression failed to hide his pride at the work that had been done while behind him, the cameras captured Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono looking skeptical.
“The Government also sought to strengthen ABRI by testing it. In December 2002, ABRI held its first Joint Military Exercise since 1996. The aim of this exercise was to test ABRI’s capability to conduct joint operations and especially both jungle and urban warfare. I acknowledge that this exercise did not go smoothly and as the constitutional Supreme Commander of ABRI, I take responsibility for it. As we speak, a review of the Joint Military Exercise and the improvements that could be enacted, is being formulated.
Honorable Delegates of the MPR,
As regards the security situation in this country over the course of the present term, I can report to the MPR that the overall security situation has been conducive. The Government’s successful management of the Asian Financial Crisis as well as excellent economic conditions has meant that the adverse situations which had caused social unrest in other nations experienced do not exist. Notable exceptions to this were the July 1998 riots in Dili when Pro-Secessionists and Pro-Integration crowds clashed and rioted as well as in January 1999 in Ambon when there were clashes between locals and transmigrants. In both of these situations, the situation was handled and kept under control by ABRI personnel.
We continue to reorganize our security apparatus so that they can better conduct their duties. One such case is the Government’s reorganization of BAKIN so that it now has provincial offices and so that it can better gather intelligence.
Ideological Matters:
Mr. Chairman,
In the area of ideology, the Government’s fundamental stance is clear: we are for Pancasila and the 1945 Constitution. And we have continued the P4 Training Program conducted by the BP-7 which disseminates knowledge of our ideology to members of society. In 2000, we streamlined the P4 Training Program with the Lemhanas’ National Vigilance Training so that all P4 Training participants can have a more complete ideological dissemination without having to go through a similar process twice to get their certification.
On a more practical level, the Government continues to maintain vigilance against Pancasila’s ideological enemies. The first of these ideological enemies was clear, it tried to overthrow the Government and replace Pancasila with its own class-based ideological beliefs in 1965. We overcame it and we banned it in 1966 though we remain vigilant. This is what we in Indonesia refer to as the Extreme Left, what the world recognizes as Marxism-Leninism.
But we also have a second ideological enemy. It also seeks to overthrow the Government and replace Pancasila with its own ideological beliefs of establishing a state on the basis of religion. This is what the world would eventually recognize as religious extremism in the aftermath of 9/11 but something which we in Indonesia recognize as the Extreme Right.
And even before 9/11, the Extreme Right reared its ugly head. In February 2000, the then-Chairman of the BP-7 was assassinated and the assassin was identified as a member of Jemaah Islamiyah. This caused us become more vigilant against the Extreme Right and in January 2001, the Government conducted Operation Sledgehammer which resulted in the arrests of individuals with links to Jemaah Islamiyah and Al Qaeda.
After 9/11, we intensified our campaign against the Extreme Right. In September 2001, we managed to dispose of a Jemaah Islamiyah operative and found evidence on his laptop that there were plans to conduct terrorist attacks on 20 churches in December 2000. Finally in August 2002, we conducted a simultaneous operations against more Jemaah Islamiyah operatives, shooting some dead, arresting others, and then declaring Jemaah Islamiyah as a banned organization.
In a certain way, the Extreme Right is a more cunning opponent than the Extreme Left. It hides behind something that a majority of Indonesians hold dear: their faith. But we must have the courage to take a decisive stand. I myself adhere to Sharia Law as a Muslim but if Sharia Law becomes a political matter and people want to establish an Islamic State, I will not let that stand. There is no such thing a state based on religion in Indonesia.”
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For the sections on foreign affairs and defense, I didn’t go in detail about various agreements and various weapons that are procured because I thought people would be familiar with. Instead, I focused on Try’s philosophical approaches to, respectively, a key aspect of his foreign policy and defense policy.
For foreign policy, I focused on Try’s attitude towards China and how he needs the other SE Asian nations’ help to stand up to China. For defense, I focused on how he wants to increase defense spending but won’t let it get to the point that it disturbs the economy.
Most of the expansion of ABRI being mentioned here brings forward OTL’s expansion of the TNI by nearly 15 years.
Ditto the expansion of BAKIN to having offices in the provinces is something that only happens in OTL in 2010s.
Try uses New Order terminology here to describe Pancasila’s ideological opponents: Extreme Left for communism and Extreme Right for those wanting to establish an Islamic State.
The final few lines of this chapter is based on OTL Try’s comments in this video: