Indonesia ATL: The Presidency of Try Sutrisno (1997-)

I disagree with those statements. We are behind 50 years than PLA. We lacks funds, technology access, no tactical weapon aka nuke, independent missile production, blue print, open white paper (threat on defence), industry to produce military weapon, and major radar station minimally like Jindalee on Australia. Remember China before western sanction have access weaponry technology from French, Germany, Italia, Dutch and Spain. Again their industry already mature with how they produce MBT, IFV, APC, Warship, military aircraft, and Helicopter every year. Basically Indonesia is fubar unless use any means necessary to catching up with South East Fleet and RAN.
Spot on. I always thought there is some hope if ABRI/TNI starts to modernize earlier but you are correct about this.

More Sumarlin on the spotlight. Yet another point where Try's government differentiated itself from the old New Order.
Sumarlin always being busy ITTL, speaking out and being listened to is Try's way of saying "What happened to me and the other Soeharto VPs won't happen to anyone else".

I've read a book about Indonesia's OTL VPs (https://www.tokopedia.com/nasyabookstor/buku-wapres-pendamping-atau-pesaing-by-roy-bb-janis) and what sticks out is that for the chapters covering Soeharto's VPs, the highlight of their vice presidency is the manner in which they are elected. After that there's a paragraph or two about them going on trips and inspections as VP and then that's it.

I have been reading this timeline for the last month just caught up.This is my favourite timeline on this site.I love Try as the president I wish we had a prime minister like him in Pakistan
Thanks for coming on board and reading this.

And on a random note for all you readers, I just looked and realized that this TL is over the 100k mark. Thank you so much for the support you have given. Not bad for a non-US, non-WWII, and non-Cold War thread.
 
I have been reading this timeline for the last month just caught up.This is my favourite timeline on this site.I love Try as the president I wish we had a prime minister like him in Pakistan

I see this TL as highly realistic, with lots of topics in common with the country im from, Argentina.
More specifically, how always pragmatism crashes with populism, how the ambitions starts to pop up among many other things and all this happening in the 4th most populous nation in the world, something that many of us didnt knew.
 
184: Who Else Wants The Gavel?
6th July 2002:
In his capacity as Leader of the PKPI, Try Sutrisno attended a meeting at the PKPI’s National Headquarters. Chaired by Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman, the meeting was attended by the PKPI’s Central Leadership Council and all 27 of the PKPI’s Chairmen of the Provincial Branches.

The meeting heard Chairman of the PKPI’s National Campaign Hendropriyono give a report on the conduct of the PKPI’s campaign. In his speech, Hendropriyono said that while incumbency did allow the PKPI to obtain a majority of its votes, its inability to communicate clearly about what the government has achieved is what prevented it from gaining a decisive edge over the other parties.

In rural regions the PKPI “leaked” votes to the PKPB who ran a strong campaign about the PKPI being a party which cared more about cities to not say anything about their success in presenting themselves as being the “Islam-friendly” party. In urban areas, the PKPI’s “leak” was to the PNI which managed to scrounge around for votes among the urban poor and among those who share the view that “Try is an extension of Soeharto”.

7th July 2002:
State Secretary Edi Sudrajat attended an event marking the formation of the Overseas Myanmarian League (OML). Chaired by Shwe Mann, the OML’s membership comprises of the more than 30,000 men, women, and children who were evacuated from Myanmar.

A four-way meeting between Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil, Secretary of the PPP Bachtiar Chamsyah, Leader of the PPP in the DPR Zarkasih Nur, and DPR Member Hamzah Haz ended in tense fashion. Hamzah argued that Matori had not pushed hard enough for more concessions from the President and the PKPI while Matori countered that given that the President and the PKPI are coalition partners there is a limit to how hard they can push before they start risking the relationship.

8th July 2002:
President Try Sutrisno and the presidential entourage landed at Denpasar, Bali this morning. After being welcomed by Governor of Bali I Made Bandem, the President and his entourage made their way to Jimbaran to a hill where a giant statue of the Hindu God Wisnu riding an eagle awaited. Here, accompanied by Minister of Tourism Soeyono, Junior Minister of Arts and Culture Subrata and Bandem, the President inaugurated the Garuda Wisnu Kencana Cultural Park.

Afterwards, the President toured and stood in awe of the statue, asking questions about the it to the statue’s sculptor Nyoman Nuarta and talking to former Minister of Tourism Joop Ave who had advocated the building of the statue. He waved to tourists foreign and domestic alike who were visiting the place.

From the Garuda Wisnu Kencana, the President conducted a surprise inspection of the primary schools and the junior high schools in the area with Bandem. He was very pleased when the primary school had extra classroom constructed for the pre-schoolers. At the junior high school, the President became angry when parents, who were buying uniforms, complained that they had to pay extra money to make sure that their children’s enrollment was secure. An on-the-spot investigation found that the principal had benefitted from the monetary arrangement and Bandem immediately dismissed the principal.

After resting at the Tampaksiring Presidential Palace, the President spent the afternoon in meetings with Soeyono, Bandem and other officials from Bali’s provincial government. Soeyono reported but for a slight dip in 2001 because of the economic downturn and 9/11, tourism is going from strength to strength but most especially in Bali. There are lots of foreigners settling in, establishing small businesses, and employing locals on the back of the March 2000 Policy Package which allows temporary residence for the establishment of a small business. Bandem said that the provincial government is in discussion with the Department of Transportation to discuss the expansion of Ngurah Rai International Airport.

9th July 2002:
From Bali, the President and his entourage departed for Palembang, South Sumatra in the morning. The trip from Palembang to the Tanjung Siapi Api was 80 KMs long with the President waving to the crowds along the way. At the site, the President shared a crowded stage with Minister of Mining and Energy Djiteng Marsudi, Minister of Transportation Soerjadi Soedirja, and State Minister of Development of Eastern Indonesia and Special Economic Zones Rusnain Yahya. Governor of South Sumatra Bimo Prakoso, Governor of Bengkulu Afifuddin Thaib, and Governor of Jambi Hafid Kalimudin Syam were also present as the President inaugurated the following projects, the first three being South Sumatra and the latter two being in Bengkulu and Jambi:

*The Tanjung Siapi Api Coal and Freight Harbour
*The East Palembang Gas and Steam Electricity Generator
*The Musi Hydroelectricity Generator in Bengkulu
*The PT. Semen Padang and Semen Baturaja’s first cement factory in Jambi

After making a speech, the President toured the harbour to look at the facilities with Rusnain Yahya playing the role of tour guide. In between his explanation about what was in store for the Tanjung Siapi Api Special Economic Zone, Rusnain conveyed to the President the greetings of Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil. Rusnain, who is a PPP member, was about to speak about the PPP’s aspirations when he was cut off by State Secretary Edi Sudrajat who said that they were not there to talk about politics.

From Tanjung Siapi Api, the President returned to Palembang for his flight to Jakarta.

10th July 2002:
Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas came out of a meeting with the President. He said he briefed the President on what lies in the near future as far as the political calendar was concerned and that the political calendar was as follows:

*22nd July 2002: Inauguration of the all the Regency and Municipal-level DPRDs.
*29th July 2002: Inauguration of all the Provincial-level DPRDs.
*11th August 2002: All Provincial-level DPRDs to have completed the election of the Regional Delegates which will represent the provinces in the MPR.
*13th September 2002: The DPR to have completed the confirmations of the MPR Group Delegates.
*20th September 2002: Final date by which all 1000 names of the MPR Delegates must be finalized.
*1st October 2002: Inauguration of the new DPR/MPR.

When asked how the President was faring with the “countdown now on” to the MPR General Session next March, Harsudiono said that the President is, as always, working hard for the nation.

Minister of Civil Service Reform Kuntoro Mangunsubroto also came out of a meeting with the President. Kuntoro’s focus was on some decisions regarding the state apparatus.

*In the Department of Trade, additional trade attache positions has been created. These trade attaches will be stationed with the Department of Foreign Affairs mostly in embassies in Africa and Latin America to boost trade there.

*In the Department of Education and to fulfill the provisions of the Teachers and Lecturers Law, state school teachers who have gained a Teaching Profession certification from an approved institution will be eligible for a profession allowance. This is to provide an incentive for teachers to get the proper certification.

11th July 2002:
The President today welcomed the arrival of Prime Minister of Singapore Goh Chok Tong who is in Indonesia for a brief visit. Once the ceremonies were out of the way, Try and Goh sat down with one another; Try accompanied by Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita while Goh was accompanied by Minister for Foreign Affairs Lee Yock Suan with him.

On Malaysia’s suspension of participation in the Sijori, both Try and Goh agreed that Indonesia and Singapore should move on for however long this suspension of participation is.

On the economic front, Goh joked that the Indonesian government’s policy of waiving exit tax for Indonesians wanting to visit to Thailand, the Philippines, Laos, or Vietnam had failed because it still hasn’t deterred Indonesians from coming to Singapore to shop, prompting Try to laugh. Try joked back that Indonesians were interested in saving in Singaporean banks because of the non-stop ads on television promoting their saving accounts in Singapore rather than shopping.

More seriously however, Try said that the four nations Goh mentioned have “understood” what Indonesia is trying to do. Goh said that from Singapore’s point of view, Indonesia is a positive force in the region as seen by the assistance it was giving in fighting Islamic insurgency in the Philippines. But he said that Indonesia would be seen even more as showing showing leadership in the region if it did not differentiate between ASEAN members which supported it and which have remained indecisive. Goh also calls Indonesia to use its leadership begin pushing for the implementation of AFTA.

The topic moved on to the events of the last few months. Try explained that Indonesia needed to do what it had done because failure to act means accepting the existence of a regime being propped up by the People’s Republic of China.

“We understand Indonesia’s position, President Try”, said Goh “However we are uncomfortable that the agreement that has allowed you to bring in Shwe Mann and his followers without any other ASEAN member questioning it was made on the basis of my comment. We are a small state but we have not formulated a position about your stance towards China. What we want is to be able to formulate a position independently, whatever that position that will be, without being maneuvered or looking like we have been maneuvered into anything.”

Not long thereafter, Try saw Goh off as the latter went on to other engagements in Jakarta before returning to Singapore later in the day.

“Yeah, they’re not getting off the fence anytime soon”, Try grumbled to himself as Goh’s car disappeared.

12th July 2002:
The President and Chairman of the DPR Harmoko had Friday Prayer and then lunch together at the Presidential Palace. They discussed various matters.

About the date of the 2003 MPR General Session, both quickly came to the agreement that they will, by convention, leave it to the new MPR to decide when the dates of the General Session will be.

Harmoko brought up the matter of the Broad Outlines of State Policy (GBHN), the document that was constitutionally the MPR’s role to formulate. Harmoko said that it was New Order practice for the president to prepare a Draft GBHN and submit it to the MPR, either directly or as in 1992 and 1997, through the political parties. The MPR would then usually approve it.

“I haven’t prepared a Draft GBHN that I will submit to them for consideration”, the President admitted “The Constitution says it’s for the MPR to determine the GBHN. The most I’ll do is make sure the PKPI will advocate for what I think should be in the GBHN.”

“You’ll have tell the nation and the political parties about this, Mr. President”, urged Harmoko.

“At the appropriate time, Mr. Chairman”, said the President.

Finally, Harmoko brought up the matter about who will be the Chairman of the DPR/MPR in the next DPR/MPR term. The President expected Harmoko to ask for an endorsement but was pleasantly surprised when Harmoko said that it was a matter for the members and delegates of the new DPR/MPR to decide.

“You’re correct, I agree with you”, said the President, though he noted that Harmoko looked too happy that he had approved.

13th July 2002:
“I know Rusnain is a supporter of yours and that’s why he’s in th cabinet, but I think to want to interrupt a project inauguration like that is inappropriate”, said Edi.

Across from him, Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil chuckled to himself. He and Edi were having lunch at a restaurant at Borobodur Hotel not far from the Presidential Palace.

“I had to try to get the message across”, said Matori “I’ve been in regular contact with Basofi and other PPP members have been in contact with the PKPI’s members but sooner or later, I want to try to contact someone higher up on the pecking order.”

Edi sighed.

“Mr. Chairman, you and your party signed an agreement six months ago. Your party was promised extra seats in the next cabinet but not long after that, there was a reshuffle and Rusnain got his seat”, said Edi “If anything it’s the President that has already more than proven his commitment to the Coalition Agreement and it’s now the PPP that needs to show its commitment to the agreement.”

“Mr. State Secretary, you must know that the PKPI did not get as many seats as it had hoped in election that’s just passed”, explained Matori “That means the PKPI will be relying more on the PPP in the DPR/MPR and that puts us in a position to ask for more from you. That’s number one.”

“And what’s number two?” asked Edi.

“I must be careful”, replied Matori “Do you think my enemies in the party won’t take advantage of this situation if they think I’ve failed in handling it? Up to and including removing me from the chairmanship? And then what? Do you think President Try has a better chance of being re-elected with Hamzah Haz as the chairman?”

Edi considered Matori carefully.

“What would be a good solution for this situation?” asked Edi.

“For the President to support me when I declare my candidacy for the chairmanship of the DPR/MPR”, replied Matori.

When the conversation was finished, Edi rushed to the Presidential Palace to inform the latter about what Matori had said. The President could only massage his scalp and laugh.

---
A “Try gets to work” update but some political developments here and there.

The remark about ITTL Singapore promoting its banks for Indonesians to put money in is a side effect of there being no May 1998 and the Asian Financial Crisis being really bad, meaning that there are no Indonesians evacuating then living in and/or putting their money in Singapore.

Refer to chapter 171 for Goh inadvertently making the argument that whoever one ASEAN nation allows inside its borders can’t be intervened with by other ASEAN nations. https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...ry-sutrisno-1997.425151/page-35#post-22587839

The other function of the MPR, other than electing the president and vice president, is to approve of the GBHN. It’s a wish-list of things which the MPR wants the president to achieve in the upcoming term. In practice it’s a controlled process. Soeharto prepares the draft and submits it to the MPR. Golkar then uses its majority to ensure that this GBHN doesn’t get amended and then the MPR approves of it.

In the GBHN’s defense, experts, intellectuals, and religious and social figures are consulted in its formulation. But the way it is formulated is usually cited as part of the criticism on the “MPR elects the President” system: namely that it’s a system designed to get Soeharto re-elected over and over again.

One of the first acts of the new DPR/MPR is to elect its chairman. Much as the presidential elections in the New Order, someone normally gets elected unanimously. But this is not quite your mother’s New Order and there are now two contenders for the chairman of the DPR/MPR’s position: Harmoko the incumbent and Matori the challenger with the PKPB and the PNI still yet to reveal their contenders. Title of the chapter refers to the gavel the chairman of the DPR/MPR holds to declare a session open or close.
 
Keep tuning in to see how he will turn out. Still wondering to myself how things will turn out for him.

No chapter this week because I got covid. Light symptoms (may it continue that way) but definitely have to rest.
OTL he become spacegoat for Suharto fall from chair
Well for me he did not wrong at all. It's just change of era. The scary thing Cendana Family safety maybe only have little time maybe 10 to 25 year. It seems my children generation majority Cendana Family will move out to another nations.
 
185: Harmoko's Maneuverings, Reith's Suspicion
14th July 2002:
Chairman of the DPR Harmoko appeared at an Indosiar Sunday special interview. He dwelled at length on why the PKPI did not win the election.

“We, or at least some in the PKPI, talk down to people”, said Harmoko “We talk about economic growth, infrastructure, spending on defense but we can’t tell people about the benefits of connecting their village to electricity. We can’t do it, the PKPB can, and that’s why we lost.”

Regarding the election of the new Chairman of the DPR/MPR, Harmoko said that the President has agreed with him that it should be a matter for the new DPR/MPR members/delegates to decide after they are inaugurated instead of something that the current DPR/MPR should worry about. When asked if he has the President’s backing for re-election as Chairman of the DPR/MPR, Harmoko said that he and the President are great partners in their respective offices.

15th July 2002:
President Try Sutrisno and First Lady Tuti Setiawati today paid the French Embassy in Jakarta a visit. After spending some time inside, the President emerged to issue a statement expressing his condolences at the death of President of France Jacques Chirac. Chirac was assassinated yesterday while attending Bastille Day ceremonies by a far-right wing protester. The President said that Vice President JB Sumarlin and Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita will represent Indonesia at Chirac's state funeral.

Minister of Forestry and Environment Barnabas Suebu in a press conference had said that as of that day until the end of July, the Department of the Forestry and Environment will be open 24/7. Any forestry concessions holder which have not fulfilled any of the requirements of the current regulation, if they have begun to take steps to rectify any lack of compliance, they can come at any time, report it, and have the department verify it. Even if the non-compliant concessionaires have conducted an illegal activity, if they have stopped it and set their operations in order or if they have gotten the necessary permits, they are safe.

When asked by the press, Barnabas said that a majority of concession holders have now complied with the rules, only a small “number” have not.

16th July 2002:
At lunchtime, Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais was seen paying a visit to Harmoko at the latter’s official residence. When they came out, both were all smiles. Amien said that he believes the current arrangement of the DPR’s leadership, with Harmoko as chairman and PPP/Muhammadiyah Member Ali Hardi Kai Demak as vice chairman, should continue in the next term. Amien “helpfully suggested” that perhaps similar arrangements should be replicated in the executive branch with a PPP member, this time from an NU background, as vice president.

The news around the Jakarta grapevine was dominated by comments made by Australian Minister for Defense Peter Reith to the Australian media today. Asked about the continuing political uncertainty in Papua New Guinea because no one has been able to command a majority to become prime minister and what would be the best prime minister of Papua New Guinea for Australia, Reith replied that the best prime minister in Papua New Guinea would be someone who is not “Pro-Indonesian”.

17th July 2002:
The President met with Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar. The meeting was for Wismoyo to report that the PT. IPTN, PT. PAL, and PT. Pindad had respectively delivered:

*4 Todak Class Marine Patrol Boat
*6 units of Casa C-212 MPA and 3 units of BO-105 maritime patrol aircrafts
*150 units APR-1 light personnel carrier

Wismoyo however, saw the President looking serious rather than pleased. The presence of State Minister of National Security Soerjadi, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Commander of ABRI Wiranto and Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo suggested that the President wanted to talk about something else. Wismoyo was proven correct when the President asked him about Reith and what was his problem.

“Reith is my counterpart and it’s not surprising that he would do something like this, Mr. President”, said Wismoyo “Putting aside his personal sentiments, there’s at least a few reasons why he’s behaving in this manner.

First and obvious one, he’s wary of us strengthening ABRI and being able to spend more on defense;

Second reason, Australia has a deployment in the Solomon Islands since 2000 to handle of the unrest there; it has a deployment in Sierra Leone as UN Peacekeepers because Kofi Annan doesn’t like us; and then of course there’s Afghanistan. In other words, Australia is sending personnel and materiel across the globe just as we’re strengthening ABRI. I think they’re feeling a bit vulnerable.

Third reason, he fears that Indonesia’s influence in Papua New Guinea would increase at the expense of Australia’s.”

“I don’t think he’s the only one in Australia that has had those thoughts flash across their minds”, chipped in Soerjadi.

“I have three questions I want to throw back at all of you”, the President said “How much influence do we have in Papua New Guinea that Australia, or at least Reith, has become worried? During my presidency, have our troops for whatever reason crossed the border into Papua New Guinea? And finally, is there a pro-Indonesian candidate in the Papua New Guinean Election.”

“Based on conversations with Anthony Salim, I think our increased influence in Papua New Guinea is due to increased trade”, said Edi referring to the Minister of Trade “In the last few years, traffic between Jayapura in Irian Jaya and Vanimo in West Sepik, the Papua New Guinea Province that borders Indonesia has increased.”

“We have had no reason to cross the border into Papua New Guinea, Mr. President”, said Wiranto “OPM activity being dormant, there’s no reason for any situation to develop where they might escape into Papua New Guinea and for us to give chase.”

There was silence in the room.

“What about the whole idea that there’s a “pro-Indonesian” politician over there that has a shot at being prime minister?” asked the President.

“This claim is trickier to dismiss, Mr. President”, replied Ari Sudewo “What do you remember about Ted Diro?”

The President grunted at the name.

“That’s not as important as what he’s doing now”, said the President.

“I disagree, Mr. President. Ted Diro is now the head of the People’s Action Party, one of the parties which participates in the election and which is getting a lot of votes in areas adjacent to the Indonesian border”, explained Ari “That and his past reputation of receiving political donations from Pak Benny has continued to haunt him, at least in the eyes of the Australians.”

“Have we had any interactions with him? Has he approached us for help or funds or whatever?” asked the President.

“No and no, Mr. President”, said Ari.

“What are his chances of getting into office?” asked Edi.

“His party is still far from a majority but any governing coalition must inclu…” began Ari before he was cut off by the President.

“You know what… meeting over”, said the President as he stood up “I’m satisfied with the Chief of BAKIN’s reply that we’re not trying to intervene in the Papua New Guinean election and that we don't intend to, I have no interest and this nation has no interest in Papua New Guinea’s Election turning out a specific way…I think it’s offensive that the Australians should think otherwise…I’d rather watch Chirac’s funeral on television.”

18th July 2002:
Ginandjar Kartasasmita, arriving back with JB Sumarlin after the trip to Paris to attend Jacques Chirac’s funeral, immediately held a press conference. Ginandjar said that regarding the statement made by Reith, he had discussed the matter directly with the Prime Minister of Australia Peter Costello at Chirac’s funeral at the President’s instruction. Costello said that Reith’s position was not representative of the Australian Government’s stance on Indonesia.

Ginandjar further said that as far as Australia was concerned, Indonesia’s only interest was to have good relations with it and that it defers to Australia as far as matters regarding Papua New Guinea was concerned.

Chairwoman of the PNI Megawati Soekarnoputri today visited the PPP National Headquarters accompanied by a delegation which included Secretary of the PNI Sutjipto, Taufiq Kiemas, Bondan Gunawan, Marsillam Simanjuntak, and Andi Arief. After meeting for an hour, Megawati and Chairman of the PPP Matori Abdul Djalil emerged to face the press. Megawati and Matori said that they talked about the recent political developments. When asked if she was aware that the PPP had signed a coalition agreement with the PKPI, Megawati ignored it.

“What I am offering to Mas Matori is the opportunity to arrive at the 2003 MPR General Session as part of a credible third bloc in Indonesian politics”, said Megawati “As I have said in the past, we in the PNI do not want Indonesia to be reduced to a Try-Tutut dichotomy.”

Matori neither agreed nor disagreed with what Megawati said, saying only that he appreciated the exchange of opinions.

At the Presidential Palace, the President and Edi Sudrajat watched this on television.

“We have to move”, said the President.

19th July 2002:
The President’s Friday Prayer and lunch buddy today was none other than Matori Abdul Djalil. With the cameras on them as they disappeared inside the Presidential Palace on lunch, the President and Matori cheerfully said that they were just going to speak about a few things.

An hour later, Matori emerged from the Presidential Palace to the press asking him what was the result of the discussion. Looking cheerful, Matori said he would like to discuss things with the PPP’s National Leadership council first. The PPP’s National Leadership Council had gathered at the PPP’s National Headquarters waited in silence and suspense when Matori arrived. Matori said that the President has requested the following from the PPP.

*That the PPP delay its National Leadership Meeting which it plans to hold next week until at least after the Manpower Bill is passed.

*That at its eventual National Leadership Meeting, the PPP would nominate one of its members as a candidate for constitutional high office.

*That the Minister of Social Affairs’ position would fall vacant soon because Meutia Hatta has been elected to the DPR and that the President has requested that DPR Member Hamzah Haz be available to fill that position when the time comes.

Matori could only smile at the effect these offers had. Hamzah Haz immediately tried to make the case that the PPP should press the President to nominate precisely what constitutional high office that the President would name the PPP member to. He asked how the PPP could trust the President and received a withering response from the Leader of the PPP in the DPR Zarkasih Nur.

“Without any prompting he has just stated his intention to name you a minister, I think we can trust him”, said Zarkasih “Frankly speaking, I think we’re the one that needs to cut him some slack, we're the one that needs to prove to him that we support him instead of him always having to prove that he supports us.”

Hamzah tried to reject the appointment but he was in an awkward position because his supporters in the room urged him to take on the offer. After he accepted the offer, Hamzah could only remain silent as Matori began to warm up the rest of the PPP’s top functionaries to the President’s offer. After all, it would not look good for him to insist that the President’s offer was not good for the PPP having been encouraged to accept an appointment.

Secretary of the PPP Bachtiar Chamsyah helped the process saying that if the PPP wants constitutional high office, it must prepare a name that it could offer the President when he asks for it.

“One more thing”, said Matori as he brought the meeting to a close after the National Leadership Council had agreed “The President said that what he has offered is off the table if it gets leaked beyond this meeting.”

When the meeting was over, Matori fronted the press announcing that the PPP has delayed its National Leadership Meeting until the Manpower Law is passed on the request of the President.

Watching from her residence, Megawati and her supporters in the PNI were not convinced, sensing that the President had just offered the PPP something it can’t refuse.

Inside the PPP National Headquarters, Hamzah watched the press conference all the while thinking that the President was a dangerous opponent.

He still hasn’t committed anything to the PPP, he’s just changed the situation so that instead of it being up to Matori to not screw things up for the party, it’s now up to me not to screw things up for the party.

20th July 2002:
The President spent the Saturday morning meeting with Chairman of the PKPI Basofi Sudirman and Secretary of the PKPI Joyokusumo. He outlined to them what transpired yesterday with the PPP members.

From there, the President moved on to the issue of Harmoko. Basofi reported that Harmoko’s constant campaigning to be re-elected as Chairman of the DPR/MPR is rubbing people who are not his supporters within the PKPI the wrong way. Basofi also said that within the last week, Harmoko has indirectly claimed that he has the support of the President. The President thought about this.

“How is his reputation in the party?” asked the President.

“You are either for him or against him, Mr. President”, said Basofi “There are those who are strongly for him, pointing to the fact that he was the first to throw away his Golkar membership card and that his campaigning style kept the PKPI at least competitive against the PKPB. But those who are against him still thinks that he’s an opportunist and that he’s only tagging along with the PKPI because he can’t find a place elsewhere.”

“Those who are against him…” began the President “Are they trying to unseat him?”

“Well there are a few names being considered by the current crop of PKPI DPR members to replace him as Chairman of the DPR/MPR”, said Basofi “Jakob Tobing being one, myself being the other though I’ve said that I’m not interested.”

Not long after, that the meeting ended and Basofi came out of a meeting with the President. Basofi said that the President wished to say two things. First, the President wishes to state that his agreement that the election of the next Chairman of the DPR/MPR was a matter for the next DPR/MPR does not imply the endorsement of any candidate aspiring to be the next Chairman of the DPR/MPR.

Second, the President in his capacity as Leader of the PKPI would like to remind PKPI members whether in the DPR or outside of it that the people will be best served if they spend the final months of their term working instead of jockeying or worrying about a position in the next term.

When asked if there was a warning there from the President to the Chairman of the DPR, Basofi said that the message was directed for all PKPI members.

22nd July 2002:
At the Jakarta Convention Center this evening, the President attended the closing of the Indonesian Young Businessmen Association (HIPMI) National Congress which doubled at the 40th Anniversary celebration of HIPMI. In his speech, new Chairman of HIPMI Garibaldi Thohir pledged HIPMI’s support for a successful 2003 MPR General Session and pledged HIPMI’s support for the results of the MPR General Session.

“It should be the goal of the Government, whether this one or another, to commit itself to providing equal opportunity to the nation’s business enterprises. Whether owned by the young or old, whether state or private, and whether large or small. We commit ourselves to providing equal opportunity…not special favors”, said the President in his keynote address.

Also in the audience during this event was Chairwoman of the PKPB Tutut Soeharto who was seen smiling mischievously at the President’s speech. When the event was over and as she made her way out, there were a lot of microphones held her way.

“I’m all for equal opportunity and there being no special favors, I’m fine with that”, said Tutut “What I’m not fine with is this government’s hostility towards certain sectors of the business community. Look at the hostility that is being shown to the forestry industry right now by the government. It’s atrocious the way some of the biggest contributors to our nation’s economic growth is being treated.”

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Got a burst of energy today so I finished this up.

Something that I’ve made up my mind on happening for quite sometime. Jacques Chirac getting assassinated on Bastille Day 2002 (In OTL, the assassin missed).

OTL Peter Reith’s profile https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Peter_Reith

OTL Ted Diro’s profile https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Ted_Diro

Try doing a bit of devide et impera with the PPP here. In recent weeks, Matori’s the one that’s been under pressure to make sure that the PPP’s interests are served, now Try’s turned that around and now it’s up to Hamzah not to screw things up.

Meutia Hatta nominating for a DPR seat is from https://www.alternatehistory.com/fo...ry-sutrisno-1997.425151/page-24#post-21543674
 
Is forestry one of the biggest contributors ITTL?
Yes. It’s just happened mostly off-screen due to other priorities occupying Try’s attention. How much of that economic activity actually goes into government coffers and how much of the activity in this sector is legal or illegal is another story.

The most notable forestry policy the ITTL government put in place is to put a ceiling on forest concessions being granted which is as below (from September 2000):

Meanwhile, Minister of Forestry and Environment Barnabas Suebu announced that the President has lifted the moratorium on the granting of forest concessions but that the following conditions would now be put in place:

*A ceiling of 100,000 hectares for concession holders per province.
*A ceiling of 400,000 hectares for concession holders all around Indonesia
*A ceiling of 150,000 hectares for concession holders in Irian Jaya
*The enactment of a Resources Royalty Provision on all concession holders

Barnabas said that the aim is to ensure that no one has excessive areas of concessions in the forests and to provide opportunities for other entities to have forest concessions in Indonesia.

As is happening ITTL though, the Try govt. has realized that the real battle in forestry is the battle against those who have had their concessions since Soeharto (and think they are beyond the law) and it would take a long, long, long time if the govt. was to go around trying to solve the problem on a case by case basis. And so the govt made the announcement in April 2001 calling on concessionaires to make sure everything is in compliance or else action will be taken.

The announcement of the policy is as quoted below (from 16th April 2001):
Adding Value and Utilizing Natural Resources:
-Creation of Directorate General of Agroindustry and Agribusiness at the Department of Agriculture
-Imposition of export Tax of 60% for export of Rattan, this is a reversal of the agreement with the IMF in April 1998
-The Minister of Trade to announce a new export strategy
-A 1-year amnesty period starting from July 2001 for the forestry industry to be used by those in the industry to comply with rules and regulations
 
186: Vietnam, Palau, and A Rogue From The Rogue Province
22nd July 2002:
Morning at the Noi Bai International Airport in Hanoi, Vietnam saw the arrival of President Try Sutrisno and his entourage on Vietnamese soil. The welcome on the tarmac was provided by Vietnamese Minister of Foreign Affairs Nguyen Dy Nien and a group of children who gave flowers to both Try and First Lady Tuti Setiawati. The motorcade made their way to the middle of Hanoi. First stop was the Ho Chi Minh Mausoleum. In a solemn photo-op, Try laid flowers at the foot of the glass coffin containing Ho Chi Minh’s embalmed corpse and then saluted it.

From the Mausoleum it was a short distance to the Presidential Palace where President of Vietnam Tran Duc Luong gave the official welcome. Once the pleasantries were out of the way, the first round of talks began. Try brought Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat into the meeting with him while Luong brought Nien with him.

Luong spoke about the significance of Try’s decision to take in Shwe Mann and his followers in the aftermath of Khin Nyunt’s coup. For Vietnam, the significance of this development is that Vietnam does not have to choose between falling into Russia, China, or the United States’ orbits but can extend a hand of cooperation for mutual benefit with a nation from within its immediate geographic region. Try thanked Vietnam for their unceasing support, including creating the impression that Shwe Mann had evacuated into Vietnam at the ASEAN Informal Summit in April. Luong laughed and said that they were only too happy to help.

On ASEAN, Nien said that much will depend on what Indonesia does next. Vietnam fully understands, and appreciates, Indonesia’s desire that ASEAN move as a collective to keep Southeast Asia from falling under the shadow of a great power. But the best way to stand up collectively to an outside great power would be if all 10 ASEAN nations stand together. Try and Luong agreed that getting Singapore and Brunei off the fence should be an important part of the regional strategy.

On China itself, Nien feels that China’s next move will be to consolidate its ties with Myanmar, Cambodia, and Malaysia with President of China Jiang Zemin due to visit the three nations in the coming months. Luong said that to counter this, he feels that Indonesia’s best move to counter this will be to offer something “constructive” to the region within the next few months. Try notes this.

On Russia, Try asked how are developments with Cam Ranh Naval Base. Luong said that the Russians are offering large financial incentives to extend the rent there though Vietnam is trying to resist. Try encouraged Luong to ask for ASEAN’s support in standing up to Russia at the next ASEAN Summit due in November.

Try returned to the Presidential Palace later that night for the State Dinner. Both Try and Luong toasted each other and each other’s nation.

Through a phonecall at end of the day, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas announced that all of the DPRDs at the regency and municipal level has been sworn in.

23rd July 2002:
After breakfast it was off to the Government Office. Bringing Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti, Minister of Trade Anthony Salim, Minister of Mining and Energy Djiteng Marsudi, and Edi Sudrajat with him, Try met with Prime Minister of Vietnam Phan Van Khai, Deputy Prime Minister Nguyen Tan Dung, Nguyen Dy Nien, Minister of Planning and Investment Tan Guan Xia, and Minister of Trade Truong Dinh Tuyen.

The meeting discussed economic matters and the Indonesian delegation was taken aback by their Vietnamese counterparts’ lobbying that AFTA be placed on the agenda again regardless of Malaysia, Myanmar, and Cambodia’s continued insistence for ASEAN+3. Khai argued that it will be to the benefit of both nations saying that Indonesia’s motorcycle factories will gain access to Vietnam’s growing market. Try said that he understood the point being made by Khai but that he will need to consult with his ministers when he returns to Jakarta about extending free trade to the Jakarta Bloc.

“I understand that you need to consult with other ministers, Mr. President, but I think you misunderstood me, I’m not talking about free trade for the Jakarta Bloc, I am talking about extending free trade for ASEAN”, corrected Khai.

The meeting produced an important agreement signed between Djiteng and Xia committing Vietnam to export crude oil to Indonesia. As Djiteng explained in the press conference afterwards, in addition to supplying Indonesia with oil for its various requirements this will generate additional demand and revenue for what is already Vietnam’s most important export.

An agreement was also signed, this time between Dorodjatun and Xia, for Indonesia and Vietnam to begin Jakarta-Hanoi flights.

After lunch, Try and the delegation headed over the Ba Dinh Hall. The first to welcome Try and to literally embrace him was General Secretary of the Vietnamese Communist Party Nong Duc Manh. Try then shook hands with Luong and Khai in their capacity as party members before being guided to a room where 150 people had gathered all of them top officials in Vietnam’s government to make a speech.

“Four months ago, I spoke in front of a joint session of a bicameral legislature in a presidential republic. Today, I am speaking in front of the Central Committee of the Vietnamese Communist Party. All this has shown me that in Southeast Asia, our region’s future is a matter that transcends political systems and ideologies”, Try said as he opened the speech.

Try repeated many of the same themes he presented in the Philippines four months prior with the addition of Indonesia’s decision to take in Shwe Mann and his followers as well as renewing his appeal for the region to combine forces in the current international environment.

“Indonesia has been described as the first among equals within ASEAN”, Try said “As the first, I believe it is Indonesia’s responsibility to point out that Southeast Asia can become a significant actor in the world today provided it does not fall under the influence of any power. As an equal, it is Indonesia’s duty to convey to other nations in the region of this region’s potential to become such an actor if the region can work together.”

24th July 2002:
Try and his delegation spent the morning being given a tour of the Vietnam Military History Museum. Looking at the various exhibits and listening to the explanation of the tour guide, Try concluded that “It seems that they’ve spent most of their existence fighting China”.

From the museum, Try paid a visit to the Vietnamese Communist Party Headquarters where he met with Manh. The two soon got chatting about China and, from Manh’s party-to-party perspective, an important event that will happen soon in China: the 16th National Congress of the Chinese Communist Party. Manh said it is very likely that the congress will be held after APEC and ASEAN.

“Who do you think will be in charge over there when it’s all said and done, Mr. General Secretary?” asked Try “President Jiang?”

“The Party over there is keen for succession to ahead so it will not be him”, said Manh “It’s very likely won’t be Vice President Hu Jintao either. Perhaps in another time and another place where the world hasn’t entered a New Cold War or a Multipolar world and all they needed was someone to stay the course, it would perhaps have been Hu. But in the current environment, they need to go with someone who can think strategically and play chess with McCain and Primakov instead of someone who will just carry on with existing policy.”

“Whoever this person is, he’ll have to play chess with us too”, said Try.

“Oh, don’t worry, from the tidbits our party have gathered from counterparts in China, Southeast Asia, in particular you, are part of the calculation”, said Manh “You’re way below other priorities like how they will continue their economic progress, how they’ll strengthen their military, how they’ll operate in a multipolar world…don’t worry, despite their claims that you’re not important, you’re part of their calculations somewhere, Mr. President.”

Manh was clearly reading from the same script as Luong and Khai. He said that Indonesia should play a constructive role in the region and that this constructive role is to “decisively urge the implementation of AFTA”.

“I will give it some thought”, said Try.

It was on this note that the meeting ended. After a farewell, Try and his delegation boarded the Presidential Airplane for their next destination.

During the flight, Try discussed the visit to Vietnam with the ministers. He highlighted the constant theme of the meeting, the next step in ASEAN to do something constructive and that something constructive is to push for the implementation of AFTA. Anthony Salim was the first to speak saying that it is a prospect that should be explored. The currency had tended stronger after the interest rate rise which means Indonesians exports are more expensive and one way to make it cheaper is through lowering and/or eliminating the tariffs which Indonesian goods have to pay when it enters another country’s market.

Ginandjar spoke next, saying there is value in this advice. Indonesia has already shown leadership on the strategic front by taking in Shwe Mann and his followers but the leadership that the region is looking for is in the economic front. Ginandjar spoke to the group about Prime Minister of Singapore Goh Chok Tong’s visit the previous month and the similar suggestion he outlined; he noted the similarity between Goh and Khai’s suggestions that if Indonesia moves forward with pushing for the implementation of AFTA, it should push for free trade with all ASEAN nations rather than merely the Jakarta Bloc.

Dorodjatun said that he strongly agrees but added that if they want seriously to proceed, the President might want to consult others in the cabinet. Try said that he agrees with this and that he will discuss it with the cabinet.

It was sunset when the Presidential Airplane landed in Palau International Airport in Koror, Palau. Palauan State Minister Temmy Shmull welcomed Try at the airport.

25th July 2002:
The morning saw Try and the Indonesian delegation go to the Presidential Residence where he was given a welcome by President of Palau Tommy Remengesau. After the national anthems were played, there was a special ceremony where Try and Remengesau sat at table to sign off on a communique which established diplomatic relations between Indonesia and Palau. In their speeches afterwards, both highlighted geographical proximity as the main reason why establishing diplomatic relations has become a natural step for both nations.

Try and Remengesau then sat down for talks. Try was accompanied by Ginandjar and Edi while Remengesau was accompanied by Shmull. They discussed trade delegations and exchanges between tourism academies they got to the interesting stuff.

Remengesau asked Try if he was following developments in the Papua New Guinea as they try to form a government after an inconclusive election result. Try joked that given what had already happened, he hadn’t because Australia won’t take too kindly to it. Remengesau wrily commented that he had followed Australia’s “misunderstanding” about Indonesia’s alleged interests in Papua New Guinea in the past few weeks as part of research . But Try then became thoughtful.

“This “misunderstanding” business had made me realize that even though Indonesia is part of Southeast Asia, part of ASEAN, geographically we are within proximity of Oceania, Mr. President”, said Try, almost to himself.

“Indonesia is very big, Mr. President”, said Remengesau “Take it as a compliment of your prominence that there are concerns that you might influence election results there.”

“I don’t seek to influence anything in Oceania”, said Try “My main security interest in Oceania is how many of the OPM are hiding there.”

Remengesau then turned serious. Speaking from an Oceanian perspective, Remengesau said that Indonesia did not have a lot of friends in Oceania. Remengesau intends for Palau to be close friends with Indonesia but that other than Palau, the only other nation that is friendly towards Indonesia is Fiji. The others are neutral but tend to share the point of view advocated by Vanuatu, this being one of sympathy towards the OPM and the cause of Papuan separatism. New Zealand has decided to host the Timor Leste Government-In-Exile so there will be no love lost there and Australia is obviously ambivalent about Indonesia’s growing strength.

“You have a bit of a riddle to solve, Mr. President”, said Remengesau “Indonesia’s focus is on ASEAN, it probably thinks China is its main national security threat, but by focusing on ASEAN and China, Indonesia has to turn its back on Oceania; where there are separatists hiding, Australia has some concerns about its intentions, and it doesn’t feel safe turning its back.”

“Palau understands Indonesia’s position very well”, Try said.

26th July 2002:
After spending the previous evening resting, Try made one final visit to Remengesau and then headed to the airport. At the airport, all ministers except for Ginandjar and Edi, the First Lady, all staff members, and all members of the press covering the trip boarded the Presidential Airplane. The members of the press would be told that Try had a “stomach ailment” and was using the bathroom of the VIP Lounge at the airport.

Try was indeed in the VIP Lounge. He sighed with relief when he was told that a certain flight from the Philippines had arrived. Not long thereafter, the people he was waiting for arrived in the VIP Lounge, a small delegation from Taiwan’s Democratic Progressive Party (DPP) headed by the Chairman of the DPP Chen Sui-Bian.

The two got to the point rather quickly. Try said that Indonesia continues to appreciate the economic and trade relations, the investment, and the cultural exchanges which it enjoys with Taiwan. However, Try expressed concern about how much Taiwan is falling into China’s orbit under President James Soong. Chen agreed and echoed these concerns. But said that the blessing in disguise is that the general population senses this too and had given the DPP a majority over the Kuomintang in the Taiwanese Legislative Election the previous December.

Try asked Chen when will the next presidential election be. Chen said that it will be in early 2004. On his own prospects, Chen said that a “significant” amount of people share his sentiments about Taiwan drifting too close to China but that it will be a marathon.

Chen said that in the meantime, the DPP will use its majority in the Taiwan legislature to call for amendments in the government’s budget to make sure that aid continues to flow to nations that have continued to maintain diplomatic relations with Taiwan, including Palau. Ginandjar asked what do these nations think about current developments in Taiwan. Chen said that there are grumblings saying that there is no point maintaining relations with Taiwan if its government is “subservient” to China. This was one reason why the DPP wants to make sure that aid continues to flow to those nations maintaining relations with Taiwan.

Chen then asked where Taiwan fits in Indonesia’s foreign policy equation.

“If you are expecting Indonesia to cut off diplomatic relations with Beijing and start it with Taipei, you’ll be disappointed”, Try said half-jokingly before saying more seriously “Our policy in Indonesia is still that of the One China Policy and that the People’s Republic of China is China. More importantly for Indonesia, our experiences with separatism and the stance we have taken against separatist movements around the world, giving diplomatic recognition to Taiwan or supporting your independence would take credibility away from our position. We can’t and don’t wish to be seen to be supporting separatists, secessionists, independence movements…whatever you want to call it. It would take something extreme for Indonesia to change from this position.”

“I understand this position”, said Chen.

“That said it’s clear that we have similar concerns and a common adversary, though how we can cooperate together with regards to this adversary is still a mystery to me”, said Try.

It was on this note that the meeting ended. Try boarded the airplane, looking too cheerful for someone who allegedly had a stomach ailment. The Presidential Airplane took off, heading for Jakarta.

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OTL, Indonesia became an oil importer in 2004. The crude oil deal is a hint that with the level of economic growth it is experiencing ITTL, this oil importer status will come sooner than OTL.

This “Indonesia’s main priority is in ASEAN and in containing China but it’s starting to feel insecure turning its back on Australia and Oceania” strategic equation is going to get a lot of mileage in the TL.

OTL Indonesia and Palau does not establish diplomatic relations until 2007.

Try's meeting with Chen is basically a secret meeting with the opposition party in Taiwan. To ensure security and secrecy, they are meeting in Palau which has diplomatic relations with Taiwan and Chen has flown in from the Philippines instead of from Taiwan.

On Soong advocating closer relations Mainland:
Soong advocated a gradual union between Taiwan and the mainland by first signing a non-aggression pact followed by the formation of a cross-strait union similar to the European Union
from: https://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/James_Soong#2000_presidential_election
 
IOTL in 2000, Lee Teng hui sidelined James Soong and made him leave the Kuomintang and Lien Chan became the KMT presidential candidate. @GSD310 mind sharing again on what changed ITTL?
 
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