Indonesia ATL: The Presidency of Try Sutrisno (1997-)

82: Mischief Back Home
5th March 2000:
An early morning flight took President Try Sutrisno and his delegation to Manado, North Sulawesi. From Manado, where he was joined by Governor EE Mangindaan, Try and his delegation took a helicopter to Sangihe Islands close to the maritime border with the Philippines. There Try, accompanied by Minister of Health Azrul Azwar, inaugurated the Liunkendage Hospital. In his speech, Try said that health and educational services should be made available to isolated areas such as this one.

The real reason for Try’s visit came after he was finished at the hospital. President of Philippines Joseph Estrada who came accompanied by Secretary of National Defense Orlando Mercado, and Chief of Armed Forces Staff Angelo Reyes. Try was accompanied by Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, and Navy Chief of Staff Indroko Sastrowiryono.

In the meeting, Try and Estrada pledged cooperation with each other to fight radicals and extremists in each other’s countries. Try told Estrada that if there are any MILF or Abu Sayaff terrorist group escapees he will bring them back into Filipino territory. Estrada thanked Try for his assistance.

After Estrada left, Try helicoptered back to Manado. He and Mangindaan inspected Manado and the economic activity there. Try and his delegation spent the night at Manado.

6th March 2000:
From Manado, the President and his delegation departed to Ambon, Maluku. Here they were welcomed by Governor Saleh Latuconsina and Commander of the Maluku Operations Command Amir Tohar. At Ambon Harbor, Try inaugurated the Ambon Harbour’s new equipment to load and unload freight onto boats. The President then toured Ambon accompanied by Latuconsina. He found that economic activity was getting underway where idleness and social tension had been a mere 14 months prior.

After lunch with the Governor, the President boarded his Presidential Airplane for Rangoon, Myanmar. Once the plane was in the air, the President took a phone call from Minister of Legal Affairs Albert Hasibuan. Hasibuan said Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Sarwata is “ignoring” Tommy Soeharto and Ricardo Gelael’s case. Says that Sarwata has not assigned a court date for Tommy Soeharto and hasn’t even assigned a judge to preside over the trial.

The President’s delegation for this next round of overseas trip had joined him at Ambon. The President spent most of his time behind closed doors in a four-way meeting with Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita and State Minister of National Security Soerjadi. The President asked his two advisors what they thought Indonesia’s foreign policy path should be like for the future and how best to avoid a situation where Clinton could impose his will on Indonesia.

True to form, they differed in opinion. Ginandjar thought that Indonesia should strengthen itself economically and build economic ties with more nations to support this end. Soerjadi thought that Indonesia should built its military capabilities pointing out that Indonesia has spent the least on defense in Southeast Asia from the time Soeharto had assumed power. Both agreed however that the main security threat for Indonesia is China.

The Presidential Airplane arrived at Rangoon at night. The President was welcomed by Myanmar Minister of Foreign Affairs Ohn Gyaw. There was a short ceremony and Try was escorted to the hotel where Soeharto had stayed three years prior.

7th March 2000:
In a morning ceremony, Try was officially welcomed by Chairman of the State Peace and Development Council (SPDC) Than Shwe.

The initial talks were between Try, Edi, and Ginandjar representing Indonesia and Than Shwe, Deputy Chairman of SPDC Maung Aye, and Ohn Gyaw. Than Shwe said that both China and India are trying to pull Myanmar into their orbit. Ginandjar asked Than Shwe which way is Myanmar leaning. Than Shwe says that he’s leaning towards India though some of his internal political enemies are leaning towards China. Ohn Gyaw asked Try which way did he lean.

“I can see the logic of favoring India to block China’s influence or vice versa”, said Try “But it’s never going to be a satisfactory arrangement having to choose between China or India or the United States or Russia. Myanmar’s national security is best served by ASEAN.”

The day ended with Minister of Industry Siswono Yudohusodo signing an agreement where Myanmar will import Indonesian fertilizer from Sumatra while Chairman of BPIS Sintong Panjaitan signed an agreement to sell PT INKA carriages to Myanmar with generous payment installments.


8th March 2000:
While Than Shwe entertained the KADIN delegation that had come along for the trip with Try and attempt to get them to invest in his country, the President himself paid his respects to former Myanmar Leader Ne Win. Try had a meeting with Ne Win though the latter was old and ill. A State Dinner where Than Shwe toasted Try ended the day for Try.

There was news from home to keep Try distracted. Alip Pandoyo, in his capacity as Chairman of the Central Java DPRD, survived a no-confidence motion and an effort to unseat him from his position. Alip survived due to the backing of a makeshift coalition of loyal Golkar, PPP, and ABRI members.

Speaking to the DPRD as the day was coming to a close, Alip said that he will be invoking the authority given to him in Law 5 of 1974 regarding Regional Government as chairman of the DPRD by not allowing the Central Java DPRD to assemble for an indefinite period of time.

From Semarang, Governor of Central Java Prabowo Subianto said that it was not in Central Java’s interest that the DPRD has been prevented from assembling for an indefinite period of time because the Central Java Draft Budget had not been passed yet.

Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas struck back saying that it was a clumsy mistake for the Golkar Central Java Provincial Branch to try to unseat the Chairman of the DPRD and that it was well within Alip’s right to take the stance that he did. Harsudiono said it’s up to Prabowo to find a solution to this and warns that this was the second year in a row that Prabowo had had problems passing a draft budget.

9th March 2000:
Try called on Than Shwe for a breakfast meeting this morning. The latter revealed to him that he was intending to move the capital from Rangoon to a new city further north. Try joked that Than Shwe should keep it the capital at Rangoon so that they could be closer to Jakarta. Try encouraged Than Shwe to open the doors to investment, at least in tourism. Than Shwe said that he would consider it but wouldn’t commit. On that note, Try and his delegation departed for Laos.

On the flight to Vientiane, Try received an update of the situation at home from Vice President JB Sumarlin and Harsudiono on the phone.

“I talked to Tutut today about her telling the Golkar Central Java Provincial Branch to stay away from Alip Pandoyo or any of Golkar’s members in the Central Java DPRD, Mr. President”, said Harsudiono “She told me that that’s the aspiration of that particular branch of Golkar and she can’t stop it.”

“Mr. President, there’s also another thing”, added Sumarlin “Governor Syarwan Hamid of Riau has reported the Acting Head of Batam Authority Soeripto to the Riau District Prosecutors. The Governor claims that Soeripto has received Rp. 4.5 billion as a down payment for beach reclamations in 1990. The beach reclamations never went ahead but Soeripto transferred the amount to the Raja Ali Haji Foundation where he is the chairman. Syarwan claims that there is a corruption case here because the 4.5 billion could never be traced.”

Try instructed the Vice President to consult with Attorney General Soedjono C. Atmonegoro on whether a case exists to prosecute Soeripto. He also instructed Harsudiono to try mediation between Prabowo and Alip Pandoyo.

Try had to put domestic politics aside as his airplane landed in Vientiane, the capital of Laos. He was welcomed in a ceremony by President of Laos Khamtai Siphandon. The two had an informal dinner by themselves.

Much as Than Shew, Khamtai saw his nation as being stuck in the middle of numerous powers, in this instance China and Vietnam. Try said that he would not dictate Laos’ foreign policy to Khamtai, only that Laos’ security, economic or otherwise, can be found in ASEAN.

10th March 2000:
The day was spent in a long meeting where Try and his delegation sat on one side of the table and Prime Minister of Laos Sisavath Keobunphanh and his ministers sat on the other. The two delegations discussed various issues but focused on economics and trade; the meeting interrupted only by Friday prayer.

The meetings culminated with an Investment Agreement signed by Minister of Trade Dorodjatun Kuntjoro-Jakti on behalf of Indonesia and Sisavath on behalf Laos. The agreement commits the Laotian government to giving investment incentives to Indonesian companies investing in Laos.

The day ended with Try and his delegation watching Pha Lak Pha Lam, the Laotian version of Ramayana at the Lao National Opera Theatre.

Back in Jakarta, DPR member Hartono highlighted the government’s performance in agriculture. Hartono said that rice imports in 1997 was nearly nothing before going up to 1.5 million tones in 1998 and 1.8 million tones in 1999. Hartono said that it’s worth noting that the only achievement the government has recorded in agriculture is to liberalize the sector.

11th March 2000:
After breakfast at his hotel, Try held a press conference for all the Indonesian press that had come along for the trip.

*On how his foreign visits were doing: “I think that we’re doing well not only in terms of concluding deals but also in engaging our friends in Myanmar, Laos, and later on today in Cambodia.”

*On the deadlock in Central Java: “I associate myself with the Minister of Home Affairs in this regard. It’s up to the Governor of Central Java, the Chairman of the Golkar Central Java Provincial Branch, and certainly the Chairwoman of Golkar to find a solution for this situation because they’ve provoked it. It’s theirs to solve.”

*On the criticism of his government by Hartono as he begins his second year: “I’m all ears to criticism though I’d like to tell the gentleman in question, I didn’t liberalize, I deregulated so that all Indonesian farmers can take part and benefit from agriculture not just the select few within proximity to power.”

With that Try, looking grim, departed from his hotel. At the airport he was seen off by Khamtai and he was in such a grim mood that Edi instructed members of the Indonesian delegation not to ask for 5 minutes.

Bad mood aside, Try had to put up a smile when he arrived in Phnom Penh, Cambodia. There was the requisite ceremonial welcome, this time by King Norodom Sihanouk. Try was immediately taken to the Phnom Penh Palace where he had talks with Sihanouk, who said that both Indonesia and Cambodia were champions of the non-aligned movement.

Try also had preliminary talks with Prime Minister of Cambodia Hun Sen who called on him at his hotel.

12th March 2000:
The Golkar West Java Provincial Congress comes to an end with Maj. Gen. (Ret.) Tayo Tarmadi, a Tutut supporter, defeating incumbent Abdul Nurhaman to be elected Chairman of the West Java Golkar Provincial Branch. Much as Alip Pandoyo in Central Java, Abdul Nurhaman will remain as Chairman of the West Java DPRD. The provincial congress went ahead without any violence.

Watching this on a screen at the Golkar National Headquarters, Chairwoman of Golkar Tutut smiled broadly. Her face became serious when asked about the President’s comments saying that she should be the one to solve the issue at Central Java.

“I’m not the president, I’m not the government, it shouldn’t be me that has to solve these problems”, Tutut said dismissively.

Back at Phnom Penh, the President had a light schedule. He met with the Indonesian community in Phnom Penh, taking their questions about various policy issues. He also had a private lunch with Sihanouk.

The President’s day ended with an incognito visit by Leader of the Thai Rak Thai Party Thaksin Shinawatra. Thaksin came to reassure the President that in the event of a Thai Rak Thai victory, there would not be any difference of policy towards Indonesia and that Thaksin would continue the policies of Prime Minister Chuan Leekpai.

13th March 2000:
Abdul Nurhaman made an appearance to submit his complaints about intimidation to Chairman of the Holding and Overseeing of Golkar Provincial Congresses Committee Sudharmono. Sudharmono said that he will process the complaint.

In a press conference at his hotel, Abdul Nurhaman produced photographs of himself and his supporters being harassed by another group of people carrying Tayo Tarmadi posters on the way inside the hall where the congress is held. He also produced a tape recording of a voice yelling “All of you bear in mind that your elections and re-elections to the DPR or DPRD in the next election will be in jeopardy if you re-elect Abdul Nurhaman. The Chairwoman’s approval is with Tayo Tarmadi.”

Tutut had a displeased expression on her face as she got out of Golkar National Headquarters to face the media pack.

“If anyone has any complaints about the way the provincial congresses are held that’s one thing, but it’s entirely another if they come into a congress deliberately looking for mistakes”, said Tutut “I think if you come into a congress with a camera and a tape recorder, you’re deliberately trying to look for flaws.”

At Phnom Penh, Try spent the day with his delegation in talks with Hun Sen and his delegation. No agreements were signed as in Myanmar and Laos but the visit was interesting in its own way.

Try, accompanied by Ginandjar Kartasasmita and Soerjadi, had a working lunch with Hun Sen and Cambodia’s Minister of Foreign Affairs and International Cooperation Hor Namhong.

“You can’t say that China is drawing Cambodia into its orbit, Mr. President”, said Hun Sen “It’s trying to draw Myanmar, Laos…even Vietnam, as much as they have a bitter history with China, is being drawn into China’s orbit.”

“From what I gather from Chairman Than Shwe and President Khamtai, they seem to be rather ambivalent about being pulled into China’s orbit, Mr. Prime Minister”, said Try.

“That’s because people’s calculations change”, replied Hun Sen.

“Why, Mr. Prime Minister?” asked Ginandjar.

“Because Indonesia was the first to get out of the crisis”, said Hun Sen “And then in the last month alone you resurrected your economic cooperation with Malaysia and Singapore, then you openly backed the Philippines against Muslim insurgents, and now you sign agreements with Myanmar and Laos…oh people’s calculations change. If you had somehow struggled or in the off-chance you made a mess out of managing that financial crisis then perhaps China’s influence in Southeast Asia would be greater.”

14th March 2000:
The President called on Sihanouk and Hun Sen one final time before departing on the Presidential Airplane for Jakarta. During the flight, Try spent most of his time with Ginandjar Kartasasmita reviewing the visit. They were in good spirits but then the topic turned to most domestic issues as Ginandjar was packing his paperwork.

“How is Mr. Sudharmono doing?” asked Try of Ginandjar’s mentor and patron.

“He’s processing Abdul Nurhaman’s complaints of what happened at the Golkar West Java Provincial Congress”, said Ginandjar “Even as he admits that the Chairwoman of Golkar does seem to be not interested in looking at the complaint.”

Try chuckled to himself.

“Don’t be too harsh on him”, said Ginandjar “He feels a sense of loyalty to President Soeharto and wants to see the peace that you’ve made with the Chairwo …”

“The peace is over, Ginandjar”, cut Try “And I’m going to show everyone that when I get to Jakarta.”

The President touched down at Halim Perdanakusuma Airport at late afternoon. He was welcomed by the Vice President and members of the cabinet. All noted the "grim look" on his face...

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Alip Pandoyo is invoking Article 31 of Law 5 of 1974 regarding the Fundamentals of Regional Government which states that the DPRD only goes into session if called into assembly by the Chairman of the DPRD. http://hukum.unsrat.ac.id/uu/uu_5_1974.htm

The Soeripto case OTL: https://www.liputan6.com/news/read/...arwTvQ.0&utm_referrer=https://www.google.com/
 
I’m not the most numbers-oriented person but the sky's the limit. ITTL Indonesia doesn’t have the political instability of the Habibie-Wahid-Megawati era so it's certainly in a position to grow more quickly and reach certain GDP levels sooner than OTL.

Speaking of which, I've go some numbers that I’ve computed in my head based on assumptions of how Indonesia is doing ITTL and how they compare with OTL Indonesia. I've got them scribbled away on my phone but think this is the place to show them.

Economic Growth:
OTL:
1997: 4.7%
1998: -13%
1999: 0.8%

ITTL:
1997: 4.7%
1998: 3.9%
1999: 6.1%

Assumptions:
-No drop in the currency to Rp. 17,000= $1. Currency hovering around Rp. 4,400-4,500= $1
-No political and social unrest + better handling of crisis.
-More leniency from the IMF in managing the crisis.
-Domestic businesses waiting for the currency to stabilize before going back to business.
-Foreign investors investing in Indonesia + foreign tourists going to Indonesia because it’s become cheaper

Foreign Tourists:
OTL:
1997: 5.2 million
1998: 4.6 million
1999: 4.7 million

Figures from: https://databoks.katadata.co.id/dat...ungan-wisatawan-asing-ke-indonesia-sejak-1974

ITTL:
1997: 5.2 million
1998: 6.4 million
1999: 7.3 million

Assumption:
-It became cheaper to go to ITTL Indonesia due to the drop in value of Rupiah and it is a more stable place to go to.
-ITTL Indonesia’s 1999 Foreign Tourist figures is equal to OTL Indonesia’s 2010 (!) figures

Rice Imports:
OTL:
1997: 1.100 tons
1998: 2.8 million tons
1999: 3.1 million tons

Figures from: https://faisalbasri.com/2018/11/19/impor-beras-sejak-orde-baru-soeharto-hingga-kini/

ITTL:
1997: 1.100 tons
1998: 1.5 million tons
1999: 1.8 million tons

Assumption:
-ITTL Indonesian government managed to prevent the IMF from liberalizing rice imports unlike in OTL.
-Rice imports monopoly still held by Bulog ITTL

Fuel (Petrol) Price:
OTL:
1997: Rp. 700 per liter
4th May 1998: Rp. 1,200 per liter
16th May 1998: Rp. 1,000 per liter
1999: No price change

Figures from: https://id.wikipedia.org/wiki/Harga_bahan_bakar_minyak_di_Indonesia

ITTL:
1997: Rp. 700 per liter
1998: Rp. 910 per liter
1999: Rp. 1,365 per liter

Assumption:
-Fuel price rices normally due to cuts in fuel subsidies.
-Indonesians ITTL can better absorb the price rises because they and the economy are in a better place.
-Indonesian fuel still heavily subsidized ITTL but not as much as in OTL.
 
83: The Slaughter of the 7S
15th March 2000:
President Try Sutrisno listened as Attorney General Soedjono C. Atmonegoro spoke to the meeting. With the President and the Attorney General were Vice President JB Sumarlin, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas, Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita, Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, Minister of Legal Affairs Albert Hasibuan, Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunications Oka Mahendra, State Minister of Regional Autonomy Oemarsono, State Minister of National Security Soerjadi, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat, Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, and Chief of BAKIN Ari Sudewo.

Try had told Edi what he wanted to do when he got back to Jakarta as the plane was touching down. Edi said he supported the President but advised him that he should meet with at least the national security-related ministers.

“So just to summarize, there is a legitimate case against Acting Head of Batam Authority Soeripto?” asked Hayono Isman to which Soedjono nodded his head.

“I think we have to let the prosecutors at Pekanbaru go after Soeripto, whatever the result may be”, said Sumarlin “Otherwise there’s people waiting to jump on us if we don’t at least prosecute him, Mr. President.”

The meeting agreed that prosecuting Soeripto was the right way to go. The President asked Soedjono if there was anything to add. Hasibuan winked at Soedjono who then produced a letter. Soedjono read it and it caused gasps.

An unnamed judge at the Supreme Court had reported that Chief Justice of Supreme Court Sarwata had imposed a levy of Rp. 15,000 for each case registered at the Supreme Court. When the judge brought up the matter at a meeting of Supreme Court judges, Sarwata said that he imposed the levy for the welfare of judges though Sarwata could not produce evidence about how much he had raised and what he used the money for.

A debate followed. Some like Hasibuan and Harsudiono advocated Sarwata’s immediate removal while others Sumarlin and Wismoyo called for caution.

“I myself am in favor of waiting until the Chief Justice hits his retirement age in July and we’ll be sure to prosecute him when he does retire”, said Try before pausing and adding “Unless it can be argued to me that there is a clear political advantage in taking on Sarwata.”

Try looked around the table and notices Oka Mahendra lifting his hand up. He allows Oka Mahendra to speak.

“First of all I want to apologize to anyone around the table if my response takes me into their area”, began Oka Mahendra as he looked around the table “But I’ve been thinking about this for some time.”

There was silence in the room as Oka Mahendra shifted in his chair.

“I don’t know and I’m not privy to discussions about the current political situation but it’s clear to anyone who follows Indonesian politics that there is a situation between the President and the Chairwoman of Golkar. How it will end, I don’t know. I honestly don’t. But I’ve been thinking a lot about whether the situation between the President and the Chairwoman of Golkar has become unbearable that drastic measures are required.

The Political Parties and Golkar Law requires Golkar to “implement” the resolutions agreed to by the MPR which must certainly includes the President’s election. It also requires that Golkar maintains “national stability”. I think an argument can be made that Golkar at present is not abiding by this law by its constant undermining of the President’s authority”, said Oka Mahendra.

“Are you proposing what I think you’re proposing?” asked Harsudiono putting on a serious expression but not being able to hide the fact that he’s intrigued by Oka Mahendra’s idea.

“I am, Mr. Minister of Home Affairs”, said Oka Mahendra “The President can use Golkar’s non-observance of the Political Parties and Golkar Law to freeze Golkar’s leadership.”

“Freeze? What do you mean by that?” asked Sumarlin.

“Suspend the activities of the Chairwoman and suspend the activities of Golkar as a whole. There’s the possibility of unfreezing Golkar, of course, but if you keep the freeze in place you’ve pretty much banned Golkar.”

The idea that Golkar could be “frozen” was a notion that caused many in the room to shift uncomfortably in their seats. Try folded his hands and stared intently at Oka Mahendra.

“And therein lies the requirement to take on Sarwata now”, said Hasibuan “A freeze can only be enacted by the President on the advice of the Supreme Court.”

“Fat chance of that happening with Sarwata around”, said Edi “He’s in Tutut’s pocket that one.”

“That’s right, Mr. State Secretary”, replied Hasibuan “The President will need a Chief Justice who will not be hostile towards him.”

“How do we get around the requirement to have advice from the Supreme Court?” asked Try "Do we have to have Sarwata removed?"

“Not necessarily”, countered Oka Mahendra “If the judge is deemed to have behaved an immoral way, he could be dismissed on a temporary basis for however long the Supreme Court Judges Honors Council needs to conduct its internal investigation.”

“You have to make sure you control the Deputy Chief of Justice of the Supreme Court, though, Mr. President”, said Hasibuan “The Deputy Chief Justice will be the Acting Chief Justice once Sarwata has been removed. You have to make arrangements with him.”

The meeting agreed with the course of action proposed by Oka Mahendra and assigned Hasibuan to begin working the Supreme Court.

Next on the agenda was the situation in Central Java where Chairman of DPRD Alip Pandoyo had decided not to call the Central Java DPRD into session in retaliation for the attempt to remove him from his position through a no-confidence motion.

While the decision on what to do with the Supreme Court was reached by consensus, as regards the issue of what to do on the political deadlock in Central Java, the President seemed to have clear ideas on what he wanted to do. There were those who once again shifted uncomfortably when Try revealed what he wanted to do.

“On the one hand, a drastic course of action”, commented Ginandjar.

“On the other, perhaps necessary”, added Wismoyo “If the President doesn’t feel secure about his authority in the provinces…”

“Is there a precedent for it?” asked Hayono Isman.

“There is”, said Harsudiono “The governors of North Sulawesi and Central Sulawesi in 1979. For different reasons of course.”

“How is the situation regarding Golkar perceived in the business world, Mr. Vice President?” asked Edi Sudrajat.

“Right now the consumers and the business world are more concerned about the opportunities that they can take in this growing economy than about Golkar’s internal affairs”, began Sumarlin “But a spill into the realm of governance, that’s what they are worried about. Some investors domestic and foreign alike starting to adopt a wait and see approach in Central Java. You can’t be sure about whether to invest if the road that the provincial government wants to build are in question because they can’t past a budget.”

“You are in favor of what the President is proposing though, Mr. Vice President?” asked Wiranto.

“Perhaps a bit drastic”, explained Sumarlin “But perhaps it would do the economy well to see the President assert his authority.”

Oemarsono, being the former governor in the group was asked of his opinion. He said what the President is proposing should not be a precursor to arbitrary action. He only asked that there is a mechanism that can be put in place. Try said he would consider this.

With that the cabinet agreed on the course of action proposed and after a quick summary of what they agreed to, the meeting ended. The President stood up and as protocol dictated, exited the room followed by the Vice President. Of all the remaining ministers, Wismoyo was the first to leave darting after the President.

“Is that how things will turn out, Minister Oka?” asked Harsudiono “With the President having to put a ban on Golkar?”

“You tell me, Mr. Harsudiono”, said Oka Mahendra “You’re part of the inner circle.”

“We don’t really know exactly how things will turn out”, replied Ari Sudewo joining the conversation “Only that this situation with the President and the Chairwoman of Golkar is unsustainable.”

“My question is do you have legislation prepared to accommodate extra political parties?” asked Oka Mahendra again “You ban Golkar then what? The President and his followers will need a new vehicle for the 2002 Elections and beyond.”

16th March 2000:
It was Eid-Al-Adha, the Islamic Day of Sacrifice, and a day for families to gather and enjoy each other’s company. At Cendana Street, the extended Soeharto family held a family party.

Inside what had once been Soeharto’s personal office, Chairwoman of Golkar Tutut Soeharto was talking with Wismoyo Arismunandar. After some small talk and family gossip, Wismoyo got to the point.

“Tutut, you’ve got to stop playing these games and let the President get on with his work in peace”, said Wismoyo.

“Are you acting as his messenger today, Uncle Moyo? I took you for better than that”, replied Tutut.

“I don’t know what else you want from him”, said Wismoyo “For God’s sake he’s still allowing government projects that’s been agreed with your companies to go ahead, you’ll still have your toll roads and electricity generators.”

“Only those projects that have already been agreed to”, scoffed Tutut “As far as future projects are concerned, well let’s just say it feels like the government’s prejudiced against us when we apply for a tender.”

“Maybe you’ve already taken enough”, countered Wismoyo.

“We have as much right to do business as everyone else, that’s what’s Dad always told us” insisted Tutut.

“What is that you want from him that you’re willing to delay bills, upstage Ali Alatas at the late King of Jordan’s funerals, and cause so much mischief when he’s out of the country last week?” asked Wismoyo looking exasperated.

“I want him to continue the work that Dad has begun, Uncle Moyo”, replied Tutut “Haven’t you seen? The nation has done nothing but import rice since he took office.”

“The President took the nation out of the crisis, Tutut”, argued Wismoyo.

“Only because he built on the work that Dad had begun”, claimed Tutut “He continued Dad’s work and he should remember that.”

Wismoyo felt like he was banging his head against a brick wall.

17th March 2000:
Cable to the State Department in Washington DC

From the US Embassy in Jakarta

A remarkable day in Indonesian politics has ended. President Try Sutrisno, having returned from a foreign trip to Myanmar, Laos, and Cambodia has struck those who he termed as “causing mischief while he was away”. What occurred today, whilst bloodless, has already been dubbed by observers as a purge though it is difficult to categorize all those who have been purged as political enemies as there are those who were simply caught in middle or who wanted to resign from public life.

Our staff at the Embassy had dubbed today “Try’s St. Patrick’s Day Massacre”. Journalists have, in keeping with the Eid-Al-Adha mood have called it Penyembelihan 7S (The Slaughter of the 7S) in their private conversations. Though for publication purposes they’ve gone with the more gentle Moving Aside of the 7S.

The 7S standing for Sudharmono, Soeripto, (Prabowo) Subianto, Syarwan (Hamid), Sjafrie (Sjamsoeddin), Suharto, and Sarwata

The following had lost their positions today:

Sudharmono:
Position: Chairman of the President’s Team of Advisors on the Pancasila Education and Implementation Guidance (TP-7) (1994-)

The President’s first meeting was with his predecessor as vice president. The President asked Sudharmono to remember that they were part of a coalition to build a better future for the nation and to reaffirm his support. Sudharmono said that he admires Try’s work but says that he in all honesty doesn’t have what it takes to be on a side taking on Tutut because “it doesn’t feel right being on a different side to a Soeharto.” Sudharmono said he would like to withdraw from Try’s coalition and retire from politics.

Try said he respects the decision but says that he must also remove Sudharmono as), a position which Sudharmono had held since 1994. Try says Sudharmono will keep the facilities and pensions which he presently has out of respect for Sudharmono’s status as a former vice president.

Soeripto:
Positions: Acting Head of the Batam Authority (1998-now)

Attorney General Soedjono C. Atmonegoro began the day announcing that the there is a case to be made against Soeripto as regards the report made by Governor of Riau Syarwan Hamid about a missing Rp. 4.5 billion thought to have gone into Soeripto’s pockets. This marks the removal of someone who had mobilized support among the Sumatran delegates for Try at the 1998 MPR Session.

Our sources at the Palace said that Try removed Soeripto so that the government continued to have the “moral high ground” in future fights against corruption. He was said to have promised inner circle members Edi Sudrajat, Harsudiono Hartas, and Sugeng Subroto, all of whom were Soeripto’s classmates at the National Military Academy, that Soeripto’s wasn’t the only head that will roll.

Announcement of Sudharmono’s withdrawal from the coalition and Soeripto’s removal was the cause of some celebration at the Golkar National Headquarters though as Chairman of DPR Harmoko warned, the day “has only just begun”.

Prabowo Subianto and Syarwan Hamid
Prabowo’s Position: Governor of Central Java (1998-now)
Syarwan Hamid’s Position: Governor of Riau (1998-now)

In a long press conference, Minister of Home Affairs Harsudiono Hartas explained that the President has chosen to dismiss Prabowo Subianto and Syarwan Hamid from their respective positions as Governor of Central Java and Governor of Riau on the grounds that they have violated their oaths of office. Harsudiono said that the President has said that both governors have violated their oaths by placing the interests of the “political coalition that they are a part of” over that of the government’s priorities.

At the same press conference, Harsudiono announced that the President has issued a Regulation in Lieu of a Law containing amendments to Law 5 of 1974. These amendments state that the national government has the right to, with the advice of a Regional Head Selection Committee, choose who wil be governor, regent, and mayor. This amendment takes away the DPRD’s authority to submit a short list of 3 gubernatorial/regency/mayoral candidates to the President and the Minister of Home Affairs for approval.

Prabowo and Syarwan are two governors who have remained hostile towards the central government even after the 1999 Regional Autonomy and Fiscal Balance Conference, owing to the fact that they belong to the coalition headed by Tutut Soeharto.

Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin
Positions: Ambassador to Russia (1998-now)

Sudharmono’s withdrawal from the coalition had us wondering about Minister of Foreign Affairs Ginandjar Kartasasmita’s position. As it turned out Ginandjar was safe and even had his position as Minister of Foreign Affairs strengthened.

When Ginandjar held a press conference, the bad news was for Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin who now finds himself booking a ticket back home to Jakarta. Sjafrie is a close friend of Prabowo’s. To this end, Ginandjar has placed a phonecall to Prime Minister Primakov that President Try will appoint a new ambassador to Russia as soon as possible.

Suharto
Position: Head of the National Search and Rescue Agency (1998-now)

Whilst not in a place to undermine Try the way Prabowo and Syarwan has, Suharto was removed it seemed for the reason that he is a long-time friend of Prabowo’s.

Sarwata
Position: Chief Justice of the Supreme Court (1996-now)

The Attorney General’s announcement that there was a case to be made against Soeripto this morning was followed by revelations that Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Sarwata had imposed a Rp. 15,000 levy on each case registered with the Supreme Court though the money Sarwata had accumulated could not be accounted for. Attorney General Soedjono said that a case was being prepared against Sarwata but that he would wait for the Supreme Court’s mechanisms would take effect.

Sure enough a plenary meeting of Supreme Court judges had been convened today. Stopping only for Friday prayers, the meeting ended with a resolution that Sarwata be “temporarily dismissed” on grounds of immoral act until such time as an internal investigation had been made. Emerging out of the Supreme Court, Sarwata looked pale. Meanwhile Deputy Chief Justice of the Supreme Court Ketut Suraputra held a press conference saying that he has written to the President recommending the temporary dismissal of Sarwata.

It is understood that Ketut is not a strong personality and that he had been cajoled and pushed into taking such drastic steps through internal pressure from within the Supreme Court and external pressure from Minister of Legal Affairs Albert Hasibuan. In any case, though Sarwata has not been formally dismissed, his tenure as Chief Justice is all but over.

Though it appears to the naked eye as though a clean up of the Supreme Court has begun, starting with the Chief Justice, a major political puzzle piece has now fallen into President Try’s hands.

With tensions between the President and the Chairwoman of Golkar rising again, it cannot be ruled out that the President may have to take drastic measures against Golkar. The law states that the President can only “freeze” a political party if he has received advice from the Supreme Court. He was not going to receive a favorable advice from Sarwata, who was content continuing his corrupt practice.

---
Excerpt of the President’s Speech to the Nation on 17th March 2000:

“…accordingly, I have approved of Deputy Chief Justice Ketut’s recommendation and have written to him to take an oath at the first possible opportunity so that he could assume his role as Acting Chief of Justice of the Supreme Court.

Together with the Chief Justice of the Supreme Court, 7 officials have lost their positions today. I do not enjoy what happened or take pleasure on it. All of this has happened so that the government can be in a better position to focus on the Indonesian people, the Indonesian nation, and its interests.

Finally, I would like to speak as the Chairman of Golkar’s Council of Patrons.

Over the past two months, the Golkar Central Leadership Council, under the leadership of its Chairwoman, Mrs. Siti Hardijanti Rukmana has begun to conduct Golkar Provincial Congresses. As the last few weeks passed, it has come to my attention that these congresses have not served Golkar’s organizational goals. That far from showing the diversity of opinions within Golkar, it has shown the internal divisions that exist within Golkar. In particular I would like to highlight the brawl which erupted during the Central Java Provincial Congress and the revelations that there have been threats of non re-election against those not willing to vote for a candidate in the West Java Provincial Congress.

Late last month, I have assured the public and the cabinet that such matters emerging out of the provincial congresses will be an internal Golkar matter only. However, the past week has revealed that Golkar members have not been able to prevent internal disputes from being exposed to the public eye with DPRDs invoking certain articles in the Regional Government Law in 1974 to justify their political posturing. This has, in other words, begin to effect the governmental matters especially in some of the provinces.

I do not seek to place blame on anyone. However, I have determined that such open displays of internal rancor can be attributed to the desire of the Chairwoman of Golkar to hold the provincial congresses.

As such, invoking the powers given to me by the Golkar Constitution, I have decided that for the sake of Golkar’s unity that the Golkar Provincial Congresses be ceased and that no further provincial congresses be held until Golkar’s internal divisions are solved.”

---
Article 14 of the 1975 Political Parties and Golkar Law states the conditions under which the President can freeze Golkar http://hukum.unsrat.ac.id/uu/uu_3_1975.htm

The story of Chief Justice Sarwata imposing a Rp. 15,000 levy is actually true: https://books.google.co.id/books?id=0lldDwAAQBAJ&pg=PA168&lpg=PA168&dq=sarwata+levy&source=bl&ots=uCHnXaymi-&sig=ACfU3U0mJTZQ1us_CxhAngcWfLnb4DrzUA&hl=id&sa=X&ved=2ahUKEwiI1szx14LkAhWxmOYKHcm7BdQQ6AEwAHoECAgQAQ#v=onepage&q=sarwata levy&f=false

This update doesn't cover a lot of days. But just would like to convey how bad things have gotten again between Try and Tutut.
 
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Boom, that's the nuclear option.

There are a lot of contingency plans hidden in the New Order’s collection of laws and regulations (ie. temporary dismissal of Supreme Court judges). It’s just the case that these contingencies are never tested.

Well, movies will be made about this!

Certainly will be intriguing.

Would the media be brave enough to call it Penyembelihan 7S? Unless it was proactively suggested by the govt of course

I got carried away lol .

No of course not. Media and journalist types would refer to it as such in private conversations. But publicly it would be called the Penggeseran (Moving Aside) of 7S.

I’ve edited the update to reflect this.
 
At least it wasn't a literal massacre; this is a bold move...

A literal massacre would be too much for the investors to stomach, I would think.

Wait. Tim Mawar is still out there isnt it? Uh oh...

I refer to a quote from all the way back in 18th August 1998:

“I would also like to report that Colonel Chairawan and Major Bambang Kristiono have, effective from 1st August, been discharged from ABRI. The members of Team Rose have been retained but they will be kept away from holding command positions”, said Wiranto.

So the Team has been broken up. The officers have been dishonorably discharged but now serve as staff members to Prabowo in the latter's capacity as Governor of Central Java though that would end soon. The others are spread around the country in various assignments though they're not going to be commanding any units anytime soon.

The likes of Kivlan Zen and Muchdi PR are still active officers in the Army though they've been sidelined and given desk jobs to keep them busy.
 
Of course but being discharged or sidelined doesnt mean that they’re harmless right? :D and wonder how many has resigned within the 1,5 year period... hmmm

Btw i once chatted with an ex member who was discharged. He is bloody scary in a quiet way :/
 
A literal massacre would be too much for the investors to stomach, I would think.

Especially given that the Cold War is over and, therefore, there's a little less tolerance for Indonesia doing something like the 1960s again...

IMO, Try is doing fairly well as president...
 
Of course but being discharged or sidelined doesnt mean that they’re harmless right? :D and wonder how many has resigned within the 1,5 year period... hmmm

Btw i once chatted with an ex member who was discharged. He is bloody scary in a quiet way :/

No spoilers other than to say that Prabowo being dismissed as Governor of Central Java gives him free time to meet with his friends and to be in and around Jakarta. We haven’t seen the last of him.

Wow, an ex-Team Mawar. Quietly scary and let me guess a Prabowo supporter?
 
No spoilers other than to say that Prabowo being dismissed as Governor of Central Java gives him free time to meet with his friends and to be in and around Jakarta. We haven’t seen the last of him.

Wow, an ex-Team Mawar. Quietly scary and let me guess a Prabowo supporter?
Eh he didnt say a thing about him but i guess so. Those guys have a lot of personal loyalty to him, probably still given jobs or funds even after discharged
 
84: Getting Work Done
18th March 2000:
In a press conference, Golkar Secretary ZA Maulani announced that Chairwoman of Golkar Tutut Soeharto “in principle” accepts the steps taken by President Try Sutrisno the previous day as an exercise of presidential authority though Golkar will need time to process and analyze the possible effects of the steps that has been taken. ZA Maulani reminded the press that the Chairwoman was only conducting the duties entrusted to her by the National Leadership Meeting the previous October.

ZA Maulani also announced that the Holding and Overseeing of Golkar Provincial Congresses Committee has been dissolved. When asked if the Golkar National Headquarters will investigate the claims that Golkar members from the West Java Provincial Congress will have their re-election prospects be put in doubt if they don’t support the candidate Tutut preferred, ZA Maulani said that the Chairwoman is under no obligation to investigate what happened at the provincial congresses since there are no more provincial congresses.

Commander of the Central Java Regional Military Command Endriartono Sutarto held a military parade in Solo today to “forge links with the community”. The parade was overseen by Army Chief of Staff Agum Gumelar, Commander of Kostrad Djaja Suparman, and Commander of Kopassus Srijanto; the latter two featuring personnel from their commands in the parade. The parade was seen as a warning to outgoing Governor of Central Java Prabowo Subianto not to try anything foolish the way he did when he was removed as Commander of Kopassus 2 years prior. The choice of Solo was significant considering there is a Kopassus unit stationed there.

At Semarang, the now outgoing Governor said that he accepts the President’s decision. Though he remained stoic for most of his press conference, Prabowo wept for Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin and Suharto saying that they and others have had their talents wasted by the “present regime”.

20th March 2000:
In a ceremony at the Presidential Palace and witnessed by the President, Ketut Suranta self-administers his oath of office to assume his new role as Acting Chief Justice of the Supreme Court. Afterwards the President and Minister of Legal Affairs Albert Hasibuan had a three-way consultation with Ketut. The new Acting Chief Justice came out of the meeting announcing that he will conduct an internal investigation into Sarwata’s levy and that he will set a court date for Tommy Soeharto’s case.

State Secretary Edi Sudrajat announced that the President has named former Governor of South Sumatra Ramli Hasan Basri to chair the Regional Heads Selection Committee.

Speaking on the phone to Anteve’s broadcast of the Acting Chief Justice’s swearing in, Chairman of Muhammadiyah Amien Rais said that the President has stamped his authority on those who has tried so very hard to undermine it.

21st March 2000:
The President today attended the opening of the ABRI Leadership Meeting at ABRI Headquarters in Cilangkap, East Jakarta. He sat at a table with Minister of Defense and Security Wismoyo Arismunandar, Commander of ABRI Wiranto, Agum Gumelar, Navy Chief of Staff Indroko Sastrowiryono, Air Force Chief of Staff Hanafie Asnan, and Chief of Police Yun Mulyana from which he rose to deliver his keynote speech. Though everyone expected a standard speech, Try caused the members of the officer corps in attendance to sit up and pay attention.

“While Indonesia is the largest nation in Southeast Asia with the biggest area of water to cover and the largest airspace to protect, it is still the nation that spends the smallest amount on its defense and security. We spend around 1% of our GDP on defense while Singapore spends 5% and Malaysia 4%. It is the policy of this government to change this.”

In his speech, Wiranto said that ABRI stood behind the President as it relates to the removal of the 7 officials and that he will order ABRI to conduct a study of what are ABRI’s weaponry requirements.

22nd March 2000:
The President met with Vice President JB Sumarlin, Minister of Economics and National Development Planning Soedradjad Djiwandono, Minister of Finance Mar’ie Muhammad, and Governor of BI Boediono with State Secretary Edi Sudrajat and Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman sitting in. The following were discussed:

*Soedradjad said that the economy is picking pace as the first quarter of 2000 draws to a close. There are shopping centers being completed in Jakarta and Surabaya within weeks. In recent weeks, the restaurant industry is experiencing a boom with investors both foreign and domestic alike are seeking to put their money into the industry. During the crisis, eating out at restaurants as opposed to shopping or going on holidays has become a favorite activity of choice for families. This has continued after the crisis is over with people looking for better choices of restaurant.

*Boediono reported on the decision taken by the US to raise its interest rates, the 6th time rates had been raised in 7 months. With such decisions it is expected that the US$ will become stronger vis a vis the Rupiah. Indonesian exports will become cheaper but businesses will struggle if their raw materials are imported. Soedradjad said that with oil prices on track for $30 per barrel, it’s all but certain that a cut in fuel subsidies will be required.

Try instructed those in the meeting to prepare calculations for a fuel price increase at the end of the fiscal year, decide on where the cut fuel subsidies will be best directed to, and prepare an economic policy package.

23rd March 2000:
The President today was at Cikampek, West Java to inaugurate Factory 1B of the Kujang Fertilizer Factory. Also declared as inaugurated at the project were the Salak Geothermal Electricity Generator, and the Wayang Windu Electricity Generator. With Sarwono Kusumaatmadja by his side, Try cut the ribbons on a factory with a capacity to produce 570,000 tonnes of urea fertilizers and 330,000 tonnes of ammonia fertilizers.

A demonstration was held in front of the Philippines Assembly in Jakarta today against President Joseph Estrada’s decision to launch an all out offensive against Islamist separatists in Mindanao.

24th March 2000:
In a ceremony at the Presidential Palace, the President swore in the following:
*Maj. Gen. (Ret.) EE Mangindaan to a second term as Governor of North Sulawesi
*Syamsul Mu’arif BA as Governor of South Kalimantan
*Lt. Gen. (Ret.) M. Ma’ruf as Governor of Central Java
*Maj. Gen. Dunidja as Governor of Riau

In the interview afterwards, Edi Sudrajat explained that the gubernatorial terms in North Sulawesi and South Kalimantan was due to run out at the end of the month while the new governors of Central Java and Riau are appointed to replace Prabowo Subianto and Syarwan Hamid.

Edi was also reminded by the press that the events of the previous week also left the Head of Batam Authority and the Head of the Basarnas vacant. Edi said that such things are for the President to decide.

26th March 2000:
Harsudiono Hartas, Cabinet Secretary Hayono Isman, Head of LIPI Taufik Abdullah, Chief of ABRI Social-Political Affairs Staff Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono, Vice Chairman of the MPR Poedjono Pranyoto, Arbi Sanit of the University of Indonesia Faculty of Social and Political Sciences, and Ryaas Rasyid Expert Staff to the Minister of Home Affairs emerged out of a meeting with President Try at the Bogor Presidential Palace.

“We’ve completed the draft political bills required for the government to hold elections in 2002”, said Harsudiono “I’m looking forward to introduce the bills to the DPR in due course.”

27th March 2000:
In a DPRD Session at Semarang attended by new Governor of Central Java M. Mar’uf, Chairman of Central Java DPRD Alip Pandoyo declared the Central Java DPRD to be in assembly again. In its first act since meetig, the Central Java DPRD passed the Central Java Budget.

Watching all this on television were Chairman of ICMI BJ Habibie. With him was Feisal Tanjung.

“The least you could’ve done was intervene for Syarwan”, said Feisal.

“Syarwan brought his removal on himself. He was doing well for himself staying quiet”, said Habibie.

“He supported you. Wanted you to be vice president when President Soeharto was still alive. Wanted you to be president when…”, began Feisal.

“Hypotheticals mean nothing to me”, said Habibie “The reality now is that Try Sutrisno is the president.”

Feisal looked at Habibie. There was a time when he, like Syarwan, would’ve supported Habibe to become Soeharto’s vice president. But that time has come and gone.

“You claim yourself to be a neutral”, growled Feisal “And yet for the price of a few cabinet seats and the continuation of your projects, you’re all docile and compliant.”

“I don’t have any problem with the President the way you or the Chairwoman of Golkar seem to have”, said Habibie.

You’ll bring this on yourself, thought Feisal.

28th March 2000:
State Minister of Regional Autonomy Oemarsono came out of a meeting with the President to have a long press conference. He covered the following points.

*The government will adopt a principle of deconcentration when it comes to regional autonomy and it will take effect on 1st April 2000 (the new financial year).

*The State Minister of Regional Autonomy to create and update a list of deconcentrated areas of policymaking at the end of each financial year.

*The Central Government to conduct supervision of the provinces, regencies, and municipalities in the performance of their deconcentration responsibilities. It has the authority to add or take away responsibilities.

*The Fiscal Balance Between the Regions and the Center Law, which gives more share of the natural resources revenue to the regions, also takes effect on 1st April 2000.

*It is possible for provincial, regency, and municipal governments to direct more spending to projects which are priorities to them.

*Provinces, regency, and municipal governments to still be responsible of maximizing revenues from levies and fees which are part of their responsibility.

29th March 2000:
Accompanied by Minister of Manpower and Small Business Fahmi Idris, the President visited a Job Fair in Jakarta. He happily noted that the companies and businesses present came from various industries instead of being dominated by the tourism and hospitality-related industries.

“Just glad that businesses are employing again”, said Try to the press who followed him that day “I urge all those who are seeking employment not to waste the opportunities available to them.”

Meanwhile, Fahmi Idris explained that right now the government has no intention of rising minimum wages. It wants to give the maximum incentive possible for businesses to employ people.

In a late night press conference, Minister of Mining and Energy Djiteng Marsudi announced that the price of fuel will be increased by 33%. Djiteng said that with the price of oil set to float around $30 for the year and the level of economic activity currently at present in the Indonesian economy, it is putting a burden on the budget.

30th March 2000:
In something that was by now a routine, the increase in the price of fuel was followed by an economic policy package. On this morning, State Secretary Edi Sudrajat made an opening statement and then threw it over to Minister of Economics and National Development Soedradjad Djiwandono, Minister of Finance Mar’ie Muhammad, Minister of Manpower and Small Business Fahmi Idris, and Head of BKPM Mari Elka Pangestu.

Soedradjad Djiwandono said that the theme for today’s policy package is generating investment, encouraging business to open and stimulate further economic activity. The highlights of the policy package are as follows:

Investment:
-Incentives for domestic investors seeking to expand out of Jakarta. This is an acknowledgement that domestic investors have not fully recovered yet and as such the focus is on existing businesses expanding rather than new investors setting up businesses.
-1 year tax holiday for expansion within Java and Bali, 2 years for expansion to Sumatra, 3 years for expansion to Kalimantan, Sulawesi, and the Nusa Tenggara islands, 4 years for Irian Jaya, Maluku, and East Timor.
-Priority will be given for food and beverages, hospitality and tourism, and transportation
-For foreign and domestic investors alike, priority will be given to investment seeking to make intermediate goods.

Small Business:
-Foreigners who open a small business to immediately get a temporary residence card. If the small business holds for 2 years, they get a permanent residence card.
-Freelancers, the self-employed, and home businesses are made exempt from obtaining a Company Registration Receipt.

Taxes:
Abolition of luxury good taxes on the following goods:
-Sports equipment
-Skincare and haircare products
-Bottled non-alcoholic beverages, milk-based products, and fruit and vegetable juices
-Refrigerators, ovens, air conditioners, electrified irons, washing machines, dryers, shavers
-Cameras and video cameras

The markets reacted positively to this announcement. Business consultants at McKinsey and Company’s Jakarta offices were buzzing and would later write the following:

“The intriguing proposition of this policy package is the abolition of taxes on goods considered to be luxury items. With the stroke of a pen, Try has made these goods more accessible price-wise to the at a time when the populace are becoming re-employed and once again beginning to have more income in their pockets to spend. It can be seen here that after overcoming the crisis, Try is encouraging Indonesians to spend and play their role in accelerating economic growth”.

31st March 2000:
The President and Minister of Information, Post, and Telecommunications Oka Mahendra had lunch with CEO of PT Telkom AA Nasution and executives from Telkom’s operational cooperation partners. Over the last 5 years, Telkom had taken on partners from the private sector to hook up 2.2 million phone lines across Indonesia. That project has now been completed though it was completed a year late.

“Cement factories, fertilizer factories, electricity generators and now 2.2 million new phone lines”, said Try in his keynote speech “This nation is completing such projects as quick as possible. We are in a rush and we hope that such projects and the policy package launched yesterday will move this nation forward.”

1st April 2000:
At a large party at Cendana Street, Prabowo Subianto and his wife Titiek are officially welcomed back to Jakarta. The party comes two weeks after Prabowo’s dismissal as Governor of Central Java. Also seen at the party were Prabowo compatriots and fellow dismissed officials Sjafrie Sjamsoeddin and Suharto as well as Army officers Kivlan Zen, Muchdi PR, Idris Gassing, and Ismed Yuzairi. These officers were seen chatting intently with each other while Tutut was just happy to have her sister Titiek back in Jakarta.

3rd April 2000:
Harsudiono Hartas stood in front of the DPR to introduce the Election Bill and the Status and Composition of the MPR/DPR/DPRD Bill. The former being needed for the government to hold elections in 2002.

The features of the Election Bill are as follows:
*The election will be held for the DPR, the Provincial DPRD, and the Regency/Municipality DPRD
*The election to be conducted by an independent General Elections Commission (KPU) rather than by a General Elections Institute (LPU).
*The Chairman of the KPU will not be the minister of home affairs. No government officials will double as a KPU officer both at a national and regional level.
*ABRI members are not eligble to vote or to run as candidates unless they retire and join a political party.
*Civil servants are eligible to vote but not to run as candidates unless they retire and join a political party.
*Both ABRI members and civil servants are to remain neutral. They can join political parties but they have to retire.

---
Lots of policy stuff as Try gets back to work after “slaughtering” 7 officials. Generally I take these policies from various years, trying to adjust them to the situation ITTL. On occasions, I do some fabrication but would ground them in reality.

The defense spending of 1% of GDP is based on appendices to the 2005 Independence Day Address specifically chapter 7 (https://www.bappenas.go.id/id/data-...dan-pelaksanaan/pidato-kenegaraan-tahun-2005/). New Order Indonesia gets labeled a military dictatorship but it doesn’t spend a whole lot on its military. Partly because the military can self-fund through its businesses and partly because the priority is economic development. It wasn’t until SBY that Indonesia got a post-Soeharto government that focused on defense.

Deconcentration is part of regional autonomy policy OTL, but always within the limits of decentralization. Here it’s based on this regulation (http://birohukum.bappenas.go.id/data/data_peraturan_terkait/Peraturan Pemerintah No 7 Tahun 2008.pdf) . There’s not the same urgency for decentralization as in OTL though there is the acknowledgement that some modifications were necessary hence why the government chose deconcentration.

The goods listed above and having the luxury tax on it abolished is based on https://jdih.kemenkeu.go.id/fullText/1994/50TAHUN~1994PP.HTM

The New Order’s election system featured the Minister of Home Affairs as the Chairman of the Election Commission. The bill the Try government proposed, as in OTL, is a departure from that.
 
Wonder if there'll be any butterflies on the 2000 American presidential election; that election is so butterflyable that anything could happen...
 
Wonder if there'll be any butterflies on the 2000 American presidential election; that election is so butterflyable that anything could happen...

ITTL Try visited the US in early February 1999. When he was due to arrive in Washington DC, Bill Clinton had to depart for King Hussein of Jordan's funeral. Try didn't take the trip because he had a cold, leaving him to have his meetings with Vice President Al Gore. Here's actually an excerpt from that post:

There was a break in the schedule which Try used to pay respects at the Tomb of the Unknown Soldier at the Arlington National Cemetery. Dinner was a private affair with Gore and Second Lady Tipper Gore at the Vice Presidential Residence at Number One Observatory Circle. While Tipper gave First Lady Tuti Setiawati a tour of the house, Try chatted with Gore at the table.

There was an awkward moment when Try criticized Gore for his comments at the APEC Summit in Kuala Lumpur a few months back but fielding awkward and tough questions at their joint press conference together helped break the ice. Then Gore began talking about other issues.

“You were a vice president too weren’t you, Mr. President?”, asked Gore.

“I was”, replied Try “3 months from the end of my term when I got elevated to my position.”

“Your wife must really hate that” joked Gore before looking serious “How do you relate to your predecessor?”

“How do you mean by that?” asked Try.

“I mean do you play up the fact that you were once President Soeharto’s vice president or do you distance yourself from him?” asked Gore.

“It’s not an either or, Mr. Vice President”, said Try “I name my cabinet the Seventh Development Cabinet, my economic plan the Seventh Five Year Development Plan, and retained my ministers of foreign affairs and finance to make an appeal to continuity. Because there’s no point for me trying to distance myself from my predecessor when my photograph hung on all the walls next to his. And if my predecessor has done some good, why should I distance myself from these positive contributions?”

“But say you don’t agree with something that President Soeharto has done, what then?” asked Gore.

Try thought for a moment.

“If I may I would like to ask your discretion, Mr. Vice President”, said Try “This is a response that I’ve only knocked around in my head.”

“Of course, Mr. President”, replied Gore “And I’m sure what I’m asking you will remain between the two of us.”

Try nodded.

“I’ve abolished two monopolies belonging to my predecessor’s son”, began Try “ and I’ve done it so quietly that whatever fuss came out, it didn’t come from me. I didn’t go and make speeches that I’m unlike President Soeharto. I just went ahead and dismantled the monopolies.

My predecessor is still a respected man in my country. Three decades, saving the nation from communism, and better living standards will give him that. But people are not blind to his shortcomings. Most Indonesians acknowledge the good my predecessor has done, but they haven’t exactly stood in my way or complained when I abolished monopolies belong to his son have they? And those who stood, and are still standing, in my way? Well you’re bound to make a few enemies in this line of business.”

“It’s a fine line, Mr. President”, said Gore “To on the one hand not distance yourself from your predecessor but on the other take a different path from some of the things that he has done.”

There's also this tidbit ITTL from June 1999:

The odds-on favorite from Clinton’s Democratic Party was incumbent Vice President Al Gore. He declared his candidacy on 16th June 1999, delivering a speech which struck a balance between associating himself with the Clinton Administration’s achievements but which also promised he would not become embroiled in scandal. This balance received a positive reaction.

Gore’s team had originally cautioned Gore against associating himself with Clinton but Gore had insisted that he would like to keep a balanced stance regarding Clinton.

Sources close to the Gore Campaign said that the Vice President made up his mind about what his stance should be to Clinton after thinking carefully about an exchange he had with a “Foreign statesman who also had a complicated relationship with his predecessor”. Gore claimed he never solicited political advice from this foreign statesman, it’s just that their conversation got him thinking about his stance towards Clinton as he conducts his presidential campaign.

Gore would not disclose who this foreign statesman that he talked to was.

Flowing on from these things, the Gore running for president ITTL is not distancing himself from Clinton. I'm not sure if that makes it more likely or less that he'll win because that would leave him more open to attacks if he doesn't try to distance himself from Clinton?
 
That bill effectively stopped ABRI's dual function isn't it?

Not exactly. They're still going to be in politics and hold political positions but as far as Legislative Elections go, they can't openly favor a political party unless they want to retire and join the said political party. In this sense, it's a shift from New Order practice.

For most of New Order history, ABRI had generally favored Golkar in elections except for the times when they've had a Commander of ABRI with a strong opinion on neutrality (M. Jusuf) or when their relationship with Soeharto was at a low (Benny Moerdani and Try Sutrisno).
 
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