A New Beginning - Our 1992 Russian Federation
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These are very good ideas, but I will use them later, as now we have only time to establish our new government.
Yeah sorry, I have to postpone the update till next week. Been really busy this week.
Chapter Zero Point Seventy Five: Fyodorov's administration and the August Coup (16 July - August 1991)
(Immediately after his victory, Fyodorov began introducing his political vision in Russia)
Svyatoslav Fyodorov's electoral victory over Boris Yeltsin surprised everybody within the Soviet political leadership including Mikhail Gorbachev, reformist, liberals and hardliners. After the final result was announced, each faction began working on drawing the new President of Russian SFSR to their side. Nevertheless, Fyodorov immediately began establishing his own faction, which would present an alternative to both Gorbachev and hardliners. Fyodorov during the campaign attacked both Gorbachev and hardliners, blaming them for the social, political and economic chaos in the Soviet Union. Furthermore, Fyodorov supported notions of Russian nationalism against "the dictate of the center". The first step for Fydorov after the electoral victory was a choice of the new premier – Fyodor's competitor from the first round of presidential elections was chosen – Grigory Yavlinsky, economist committed to a market economy and author of the 500 Days - a program for the Soviet Union in which he proposed the rapid transition from a centrally planned economy to a free market economy in less than two years. Yavlinki's appointment was a clear signal from Fyodorov, in which direction the Russian economy should go.
The main priorities for the new leadership was a quick cementing of hold on power. The first act of Fyodorov's government was reorganization of the Russian government, which resulted in restructuring of the administration, staff reshuffle, dismissal of most corrupt and incompetent officials. Furthermore, Fyodorov knew that before his reforms and policies could be properly introduced, a control over media and security apparatus was essential. Additionally, the central and regional administration within the Russian SFSR were purged from both hardliners and supporters of Mikhail Gorbachev. At the end, Gorbachev in exchange fpr Fyodorov's support of the New Union Treaty, recognized the autonomy of the Russian government from the central Soviet government. Fyodorov's first weeks of tenure were positively received by the Russian population, who saw that the new President kept his word and from the very beginning became realizing one of his most important election promises, that is fight against corruption. Fyodorov and Yavlinsky began a wide scale anti-corruption campaign which resulted in dismissal of hundreds of government officials, which sparked protest and hate towards Fyodorov and Yavlinsky from political circles close to Mikhail Gorbachev and the hardliner faction. Nevertheless, the purge was halted by a coup d'état attempt, also known as the August Coup, which happened on 19 August 1991, one day before the New Union Treaty would be signed by the Russian SFSR, which would turn the Soviet Union into a less centralized state.
(The August Coup instead of saving the Soviet Union killed it)
The coup leaders consisted of top military and civilian officials, including Vice President Gennady Yanayev, who together formed the State Committee on the State of Emergency (GKChP). They opposed Gorbachev's reform program, were angry at the loss of control over Eastern European states and fearful of the USSR's New Union Treaty which was on the verge of being signed. In August, Gorbachev and his family holidayed at their dacha, "Zarya" ('Dawn') in Foros, Crimea. Two weeks into his holiday, a group of senior Communist Party figures—the "Gang of Eight"—calling themselves the State Committee on the State of Emergency, launched a coup d'état to seize control of the Soviet Union. The phone lines to his dacha were cut, and a group arrived, including Boldin, Shenin, Baklanov, and General Varennikov, informing him of the take-over. The coup leaders demanded that Gorbachev formally declare a state of emergency in the country, but he refused. Gorbachev and his family were kept under house arrest in their dacha. The coup plotters publicly announced that Gorbachev was ill and thus Vice President Yanayev would take charge of the country.
(Boris Yeltsin supported president's Fyodorov resistance to the coup by hardliners)
The GKChP was poorly organized and met with effective resistance by both Fyodorov and a civilian campaign of anti-authoritarian protesters, mainly in Moscow. Fyodorov together with Yavlinsky went inside the Moscow White House. Tens of thousands of protesters massed outside it to prevent troops storming the building to arrest them. Outside the White House, Fyodorov, atop a tank, gave a memorable speech condemning the coup. Gorbachev feared that the coup plotters would order him killed, so had his guards barricade his dacha. However, the coup's leaders realized that they lacked sufficient support and ended their efforts. After three days, on 21 August 1991, the coup collapsed. The organizers were detained and Gorbachev was reinstated as president, albeit with his power much depleted. Fyodorov and Yavlinsky were subsequently hailed around the world for rallying mass opposition to the coup, and became a symbol of the fight for freedom and independence.
(The August Coup and Fyodorov's resistance fueled the independence sentiment among the population in Russia)
That evening, Gorbachev returned to Moscow, where he thanked Fyorodov, Yavlinsky and the protesters for helping to undermine the coup. At a subsequent press conference, he pledged to reform the Soviet Communist Party. Two days later, he resigned as its general secretary and called on the Central Committee to dissolve. Several members of the coup committed suicide; others were fired. Gorbachev attended a session of the Russian Supreme Soviet on 23 August, where Fyodorov blamed him for a complete socio-political collapse in the country. Following the failed coup, Gorbachev was politically destroyed, and his political influence did not reach beyond Moscow. Furthermore, Fyodorov became the most popular politician in the country and many believed that he should replace Gorbachev as the leader. Nevertheless, it could not be possible, as Fyodorov was personally informed by remaining republics leaders, that they would pursue independence for their republics, which in reality meant the end of the Soviet Union.
1991 Soviet coup attempt - Wikipedia
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1. Following the failed August Coup, the economic situation in Russia got even worse, and now the republic faces severe food shortage. Please write down, how should Fyodorov's government deal with this crisis?
2. President Fyodorov was informed by republics leaders, that they do not want to sign the New Union Treaty and will pursue independence for their republics, though they are willing to negotiate with Fyodorov economic, political and diplomatic alliance with Russia. Please write down, how should we negotiate with other republics?
2. President Fyodorov was informed by republics leaders, that they do not want to sign the New Union Treaty and will pursue independence for their republics, though they are willing to negotiate with Fyodorov economic, political and diplomatic alliance with Russia. Please write down, how should we negotiate with other republics?
1. Begin slow transition from socialist command economy to more capitalist system. Open markets to foreign companies but keep that in some control. Heavy cuts from military budget and re-direct money to social issues and ensuring keeping at least some kind of living standards of the people.
2. Allow them to get independence but begin negotiate free trade organisation and common defense with them who still want cooperate with Russia.
2. Allow them to get independence but begin negotiate free trade organisation and common defense with them who still want cooperate with Russia.
Show willingness to form economic, diplomatic and political union with other member states willing to work with us. We are quite ready for a new lax union that respects sovereignty of its member state's, by sovereignty i mean political independence from the center.
Make it clear from the start that we do expect viable results from the negotiations and some sort of relationship with Russia because as it stands 25 mil Russians are to find themselves outside of motherland.
Major points of negotiations for coming independence.
- Rights of Russians and Russian speakers within other republics because while RSFSRs is federative entity status of other republics isn't clear?
- double citizenship for Russians and Russian speakers
- In case of Ukraine raise a status of Crimea and insist on referendum for the Peninsula (we need our own port in black sea).
Regarding economic, political and diplomatic alliance?
- Propose formation of various common bodies in regard to discussion about pricing of natural resources (something like Soviet version of OPEC).
- Common development bank
- Try to get Russian Ruble as a common trade currency .
- Insist on free movement of people
- Propose the formation of free market and economic union
- Propose military alliance.
- Be flexible. State's don't have to be members of all common institutions
Regarding the decision making, there will be no greater political bodies and all decisions will be in hands of the member states which are free to act independently, but consultation with other members would be appreciated.
Raise issue of status of succesion of Soviet Union and insist that RSFSRs should inherit its nuclear, diplomatic and economic capacities (UN security seat and bombs).
- Cut military budget to more sustainable level
- See to cut economic help programs of USSR
- sell good part of Soviet weapon supplies
- begin plans about gradual transition, privatize all non essential economic entities (but keep oil, gas,military in hands of the state). 50% to the people, 20 % to the state in all biggest entities and 30 % procent to forgein companies.
- begin privatization of state own agricultural lands and collectives following Chinese model.
- open up Russian market to western companies and goods, but only for necessities. Otherwise keep protectionist policies least we see forgein brands and companies outcompeting domestic companies.
- allow private companies and offer low, or no tax rate for new startups for next 3 years, easier buricratic time for formation of the companies and easier registration of the employees and lower interest rates in state banks (though keep thight control on who we are giving a loan and for what ).
- begin investing in infrastructure.
- see about importing new western technologies and create special economic zones for western companies, we can leverage lower taxes and cheaper energy for companies working within our zones (I want to become manufacturing hub for Europe).
- keep Soviet welfare system, though do make it easier to fire people, but create unemployment benefits (they can work odd jobs for state as nothings for free).
- Begin fight against alcoholism.
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I'd add to these: EU like shared institutions, like police and justice collaboration, shared standard institues and standards, collaboration for aerospace (think Eurocontrol), collaboration on health and safety, etc.
As above, I'd be a bit more strict if possible, but yes.
Vital. Their budget is ridiculous.
Agreed, only for those countries that can assist with food deliveries we can temporarily keep them.
Yes, we don't need those thousands of T-54/55s, T-64s and all other early cold war stuff anymore.
I like these ratios, but we need to make sure that the people get to elect entities and we make sure they cannot trade them freely either. Else it will go from private person to shell company to external control anyway.
Yes.
I'd do it the other way around. Anything non essential like clothes, consumer electronics, cars, etc we can allow foreign investments. 51% foreign owned, the rest sold to the people and the state.
Yes, but create a tier system to narrow the most investment into areas vital to establish strong Russian innovation in.
Yes, but prioritise housing, rail and nuclear energy.
I'd go for Japan, their work ethic, quality controls and electronic knowhow are second to none in the nineties and zeros. Japan is much more acceptable then our old foes in the western capitalist world. From the West we only need computing.
Welfare, but also education. We need talented people to fill our greater need for high tech.
While I agree with you, do it very very softly. Because the people & the country are still in a volatile mindset.
I'm going to reiterate my point on preventing Ponzi and MLM schemes from proliferating (as they tend to do in economically struggling environments), otherwise I'm going to back @Kriss's plan. I do take exception to fight against alcoholism - that is something Gorbachev tried and it went nowhere. I want elaboration on this point.
Recognize the independence of former Soviet republics and emphasize the benefits of preserving economic ties that existed within the USSR in some way. A form of equal opportunity cooperation is our goal, and we shall make sure that all ex-Soviet republics willing to cooperate with us will be on equal footing as partners.
Will once again back the points made by @Kriss with some additions:
- In terms of Russians ending up abroad: in long term, we should encourage them to move to Russia. I feel like quite a few countries in the former USSR would be more than happy to get that burden off their shoulders. From there, we can build a way to slow down, stop or even reverse the brain drain.
- For Crimea, I'm going to propose that the peninsula as a whole and Sevastopol should be handled separately from each other. Sevastopol has separate significance from Crimea, so this could work as a compromise with Ukraine if they so want to hold onto Crimea.
I support @dunHozzie and his modifications to the proposals put forward by @Kriss
Those are some good ideas, but i must stay firm on matter of Crimea as we can connect it to our lands via bridge.
But i do agree that some sort of resettlement could be arranged, especially with Baltic states and Central Asia. Russian far east and Siberia need more people.
But if such deal comes to pass it should include that those republics should pay reparations to the Russian people so that they can restart their lives in Russia.
Honestly im for less forceful and gradual approach. Begin antyalcohol campaign in the Media (movies,adds etc. That makes it not cool) and have unsightly picture on every bottle of Vodka with corresponding message.
Otherwise we should promote drinks with less percentage of alchochol as alternative, promote help groups etc.
Generally soft approach with lot of brainwashing following long steps, our goal arrent current generations... For them all hope is lost, we seek to influence the children not to make same mistakes as their parents.
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Art Vandelay
Banned
Disagree on annexation of Crimea. It's a large chunk of pro-Russian population inside Ukraine, and removing it would make it easier for a pro-Western vassal to take power in Kiev, something that all measures should be taken to prevent.
Other than that, Kriss plan as amended by dunHozzie
Other than that, Kriss plan as amended by dunHozzie
I second comrade @dunHozzie with his modifications to the plans by comrade @Kriss.
In regards to Crimea, it will be left to negotiations. But im also open towards some settlement in regards to Sevastopol and autonomy for Crimea.
I do see value in good relations with Ukraine, but many negotiations are still in process and if Crimea staying in Ukraine means that Ukraine will accept some sort of closer relationship with Russia (economic, diplomatic and political union, maybe military alliance). Then im fine with leaving rest of Crimea within Ukraine. No need to alienate entire country over the matter .
But we should enter negotiations with big demands only to water them down to the outcome we also want. We should be flexible and leave other party multiple choices that benefit us.
I do see value in good relations with Ukraine, but many negotiations are still in process and if Crimea staying in Ukraine means that Ukraine will accept some sort of closer relationship with Russia (economic, diplomatic and political union, maybe military alliance). Then im fine with leaving rest of Crimea within Ukraine. No need to alienate entire country over the matter .
But we should enter negotiations with big demands only to water them down to the outcome we also want. We should be flexible and leave other party multiple choices that benefit us.
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