A New Beginning - Our 1992 Russian Federation
- Thread starter panpiotr
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We are role-playing as Russian leaders, so yeah, having a moron like Trump in the White House is good for us.
EDIT: Speaking of which, kinda late here, but on the Africa topic and competing with China, I think we should avoid outright confrontation, but at the same time, present ourselves as a distinct alternative not just to the USA, but also to China. In more general terms, I'm also wary of getting too tied to China, and if push comes to shove, we should focus on our traditional Asian ally, India. Not only is there established precedent and history there, India has no irredentist claims on Russian territory the way China does. India aside, we should also strengthen our ties with Vietnam, and in so doing, present ourselves as an alternative sponsor to Southeast Asian countries not just in contrast to the USA or even China, but also to Australia.
Similarly, we should counter America's expanding influence in the Middle East, not just Israel or even Saudi Arabia, but also Iraq now as well. In addition to continuing our policy thus far in Syria, we should get in touch with Gaddafi's Libya, and improve our relations thereof with the goal of eventually being allowed to station ships and planes in Libya. In return, we can provide advanced weaponry, training, and even covert ground support to the Gaddafi regime. Maintaining our ties with Iran and indirectly support anti-American Shiite forces in Iraq should also be among our foreign policy goals.
EDIT: Speaking of which, kinda late here, but on the Africa topic and competing with China, I think we should avoid outright confrontation, but at the same time, present ourselves as a distinct alternative not just to the USA, but also to China. In more general terms, I'm also wary of getting too tied to China, and if push comes to shove, we should focus on our traditional Asian ally, India. Not only is there established precedent and history there, India has no irredentist claims on Russian territory the way China does. India aside, we should also strengthen our ties with Vietnam, and in so doing, present ourselves as an alternative sponsor to Southeast Asian countries not just in contrast to the USA or even China, but also to Australia.
Similarly, we should counter America's expanding influence in the Middle East, not just Israel or even Saudi Arabia, but also Iraq now as well. In addition to continuing our policy thus far in Syria, we should get in touch with Gaddafi's Libya, and improve our relations thereof with the goal of eventually being allowed to station ships and planes in Libya. In return, we can provide advanced weaponry, training, and even covert ground support to the Gaddafi regime. Maintaining our ties with Iran and indirectly support anti-American Shiite forces in Iraq should also be among our foreign policy goals.
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Alexei Navalny - a new Mayor of Moscow (2007-2008)
(Yuri Luzkhov - all powerful Mayor of Moscow since 1992)
In January 2007, a bombshell rocked the political landscape of Moscow as scandalous allegations of corruption and sexual impropriety emerged against none other than the city's long-standing mayor, Yury Luzhkov. Known for his iron grip on power and his close ties to the Kremlin, Luzhkov's fall from grace sent shockwaves through the corridors of power and reverberated across the entire nation. Luzhkov, a prominent figure in Russian politics and a stalwart member of the United Labor Party, had been at the helm of Moscow's municipal government for over a decade, wielding immense influence and authority over the capital city's affairs. His tenure was marked by ambitious urban development projects, including the construction of iconic landmarks such as the Moscow International Business Center and the Luzhniki Stadium, which served as symbols of Russia's resurgence on the global stage. However, behind the facade of progress and prosperity, dark clouds loomed over Luzhkov's administration, with whispers of corruption and nepotism swirling in the shadows. Allegations of cronyism and favoritism had long dogged his administration, as reports surfaced of lucrative government contracts awarded to businesses with close ties to Luzhkov and his inner circle. But it was the explosive revelation of Luzhkov's involvement in a sordid sex scandal that rocked the foundations of his political empire and threatened to tarnish his legacy forever. Shocking accusations emerged detailing a pattern of sexual misconduct and abuse of power, with Luzhkov allegedly using his position of authority to solicit sexual favors from women in exchange for lucrative positions within the Moscow government.
Despite mounting calls for his resignation, Yury Luzhkov defiantly maintained his innocence, vehemently denying the allegations of corruption and sexual impropriety that had engulfed his administration in scandal. In a series of impassioned speeches and media appearances, Luzhkov dismissed the accusations as nothing more than politically motivated fabrications orchestrated by his opponents to undermine his leadership and tarnish his reputation. In his public statements, Luzhkov sought to cast doubt on the veracity of the allegations, questioning the motives of those who had come forward with accusations against him and accusing them of spreading falsehoods to advance their own agendas. He pointed to his long record of service to the city of Moscow and his dedication to its development and prosperity as evidence of his commitment to public service and integrity. Despite mounting evidence to the contrary and a growing chorus of voices calling for accountability, Luzhkov remained steadfast in his refusal to step down, portraying himself as a champion of the people unjustly persecuted by his enemies. He sought to rally public support behind him, portraying the scandal as a test of Moscow's resilience and resolve in the face of adversity.
The failure to launch a thorough investigation into the allegations of corruption surrounding Yury Luzhkov sent shockwaves through Moscow's political landscape, fueling speculation and suspicion about the true motives behind the prosecutor's decision. Despite mounting evidence and widespread public outcry, the prosecutor's office cited insufficient evidence as the reason for its inaction, a justification that rang hollow in the ears of many. Behind closed doors, whispers of political interference and influence peddling began to circulate, with rumors swirling that Luzhkov's close ties to President Lukashenko had played a significant role in shielding him from scrutiny. The perception of impunity and favoritism only served to deepen public cynicism and erode trust in the country's institutions, casting a long shadow over the integrity of Russia's legal system. Critics seized on the prosecutor's decision as evidence of systemic corruption and cronyism within Russia's political elite, pointing to Luzhkov's privileged position as a member of the ruling United Labor Party and his close personal relationship with Lukashenko as proof of the entrenched networks of power and privilege that pervaded the country's corridors of power.
(Alexei Navalny meeting with young citizens of Moscow during the campaing)
As the July elections for the mayor of Moscow loomed on the horizon, the political landscape of the city was infused with new energy and fervor with the announcement of Alexei Navalny's candidacy. Navalny, a prominent figure in the opposition movement and a vocal critic of both Luzhkov and Lukashenko, threw his hat into the ring as the candidate of the Union of Right Forces, the largest opposition party in Russia. Navalny's entry into the mayoral race sent was suprise for the establishment, heralding a new era of political competition and dissent in Moscow's corridors of power. Armed with a platform centered on anti-corruption and anti-elitism, Navalny quickly emerged as a formidable challenger to the entrenched political order, capturing the imagination of disillusioned voters and galvanizing support from across the city. From the outset of his campaign, Navalny adopted a bold and uncompromising stance, vowing to root out corruption and cronyism from City Hall and restore integrity and accountability to municipal governance. His rallying cry for transparency and reform struck a chord with many Muscovites who had grown weary of the pervasive influence of vested interests and the culture of impunity that had long plagued the city's political establishment.
Navalny's campaign gained traction with each passing day as he crisscrossed the city, mobilizing grassroots support and igniting a groundswell of enthusiasm among voters eager for change. His impassioned speeches and fiery rhetoric resonated with ordinary citizens fed up with the status quo, inspiring hope for a brighter future and a more responsive and accountable government. Central to Navalny's appeal was his uncompromising stance against corruption and his willingness to take on the political elite, regardless of the personal risks involved. His reputation as a fearless and principled crusader against graft and malfeasance earned him the trust and admiration of many Muscovites, who saw in him a beacon of hope for genuine reform and renewal. Navalny's candidacy injected a new sense of urgency and purpose into the mayoral race, transforming it into a referendum on the future direction of Moscow and the values it stood for. His campaign tapped into a deep well of public discontent and frustration, channeling it into a powerful movement for change that threatened to upend the established order and usher in a new era of accountability and transparency in city government. As the election day drew nearer, Navalny's momentum continued to build, with opinion polls showing him gaining ground on his rivals and closing the gap with the incumbent mayor. With each passing day, the prospect of an upset victory grew more tangible, sending shockwaves through the political establishment and setting the stage for a historic showdown at the ballot box.
In the pivotal elections held in July, Yury Luzhkov faced a formidable opponent in Alexei Navalny, whose entry into the political arena marked a significant shift in the landscape of Moscow's mayoral race. Navalny, known for his eloquence, charisma, and unwavering commitment to fighting corruption and elitism, quickly garnered widespread support, particularly among the younger demographic and the educated population of Moscow. Navalny's campaign resonated deeply with disillusioned voters who had grown weary of Luzhkov's long-standing grip on power and the pervasive corruption that plagued the city's political establishment. Armed with a compelling message of transparency, accountability, and reform, Navalny struck a chord with voters eager for change and revitalization in the heart of Russia's capital. Throughout the campaign, Navalny's rallies drew large crowds, energizing supporters with his impassioned speeches and bold promises to root out corruption and usher in a new era of governance characterized by integrity and fairness.
His relentless attacks on Luzhkov's administration struck a nerve with many Muscovites disillusioned by years of political stagnation and cronyism. Navalny's platform, centered on the principles of meritocracy and equal opportunity, appealed to a broad spectrum of the electorate, transcending traditional political divides and mobilizing a diverse coalition of supporters from across the city. His emphasis on accountability and fiscal responsibility struck a chord with voters concerned about the mismanagement of public funds and the lack of transparency in city government. As the campaign intensified in the weeks leading up to the election, Navalny's popularity continued to soar, buoyed by a groundswell of grassroots enthusiasm and a growing sense of momentum. His message of hope and renewal struck a deep chord with Muscovites eager for change and revitalization in their city. On election day, Navalny's victory was decisive, with the charismatic reformer securing an overwhelming majority of the vote, effectively ending Luzhkov's decades-long reign as Moscow's mayor. The outcome sent shockwaves through the political establishment, signaling a seismic shift in the city's political landscape and heralding a new chapter in Moscow's history.
Alexei Navalny, stands at the forefront of a dynamic ideological landscape shaped by a mosaic of libertarian principles, nationalist fervor, and a fervent commitment to social justice and individual liberties. His political trajectory, marked by unwavering dedication to combating corruption and promoting transparency, reflects a nuanced worldview rooted in a deep-seated belief in limited government intervention, robust personal freedoms, and the primacy of individual autonomy. Born in 1976 in Butyn, a suburb of Moscow, Navalny embarked on a career in law before transitioning into activism and politics. His meteoric rise to prominence in the mid 2000s stemmed from his audacious crusade against corruption, spearheaded through his anti-corruption blog and relentless investigative endeavors. Through these channels, Navalny exposed the pervasive culture of graft and malfeasance entrenched within the highest echelons of Russian governance and the business elite, earning both acclaim and ire in equal measure. Central to Navalny's political philosophy is his steadfast advocacy for a free-market economic system characterized by minimal government interference and a robust framework for entrepreneurship and innovation. Embracing the tenets of classical liberalism, Navalny champions the dismantling of bureaucratic impediments and the promotion of market competition as catalysts for economic growth and prosperity. He posits that streamlining regulatory processes and fostering an environment conducive to enterprise will unlock Russia's latent economic potential, propelling the nation towards sustained progress and prosperity.
Navalny's commitment to libertarian ideals extends beyond the realm of economic policy to encompass a broad spectrum of social issues, encapsulating his unwavering dedication to individual freedoms and civil liberties. As a vocal proponent of personal autonomy, Navalny advocates for unrestricted access to abortion, the legalization of marijuana, and the expansion of gun rights in Russia. His vocal support for LGBT rights and advocacy for same-sex marriage reflects a progressive ethos rooted in inclusivity and social justice, challenging entrenched norms and advocating for the rights of marginalized communities. However, Navalny's libertarian principles are mixed with his staunch opposition to immigration, particularly from regions with significant Muslim populations such as the Caucasus and Central Asia. Asserting that migration poses a threat to Russian identity and national security, Navalny calls for stringent border controls and measures to safeguard the nation's cultural heritage. In matters pertaining to state intervention in the economy, Navalny vehemently rejects state-imposed communism and socialism, viewing these ideologies as antithetical to individual liberty and economic prosperity. Instead, he champions a decentralized model of governance that empowers local communities and fosters bottom-up economic development, fostering an environment conducive to innovation and entrepreneurial dynamism.
Navalny's political platform is further distinguished by his unwavering commitment to environmental conservation and sustainable development. As a vocal advocate for green policies, he champions initiatives aimed at combating climate change and preserving natural resources, positioning environmental stewardship as a cornerstone of his progressive agenda. In the realm of foreign policy, Navalny espouses a nationalist outlook that prioritizes Russia's sovereignty and national interests. Critical of both American and Chinese influence in Europe and Asia, he views these global powers as potential threats to Russian greatness. Navalny advocates for forging closer ties with Europe as a means of balancing against the influence of both China and the United States, positioning Russia as an independent actor on the world stage. Nevertheless, Navalny's unwavering dedication to political activism has garnered widespread support among young and educated Russians disillusioned with corruption and elitism plaguing the nation. His charismatic leadership style and unyielding stance against corruption have endeared him to a diverse array of supporters, positioning him as a formidable force for political reform in Russia.
From July 2007 to March 2008, the first nine months of Alexei Navalny's tenure as Mayor of Moscow marked a transformative period in the city's governance, characterized by sweeping reforms, bold initiatives, and a commitment to transparency and accountability. Building on his electoral promises, Navalny wasted no time in implementing a comprehensive agenda aimed at revitalizing Moscow's municipal administration and fostering a more responsive government. One of Navalny's primary objectives upon assuming office was to streamline the city's bureaucratic apparatus and eliminate inefficiencies that had long plagued local governance. With characteristic zeal and determination, he embarked on a crusade to cut through red tape and reorganize government structures, consolidating departments and eliminating redundant positions to enhance efficiency and responsiveness. By streamlining administrative processes and reducing bureaucratic barriers, Navalny aimed to create a more agile and effective government apparatus capable of meeting the needs of Moscow's residents with greater efficiency and transparency. In a bold move that sparked both controversy and acclaim, Navalny made the decision to remove crosses from all municipal government buildings in Moscow, signaling a clear commitment to secularism and the separation of church and state. This symbolic gesture underscored Navalny's unwavering commitment to principles of religious neutrality and underscored his determination to build a governance framework based on securalism. While eliciting criticism from the Russian Orthodox Church, Navalny's decision to remove religious symbols from government buildings was hailed by supporters as a necessary step towards bulding a new modern society.
One of the hallmarks of Navalny's tenure as Mayor was his emphasis on fostering youth engagement and participation in civic affairs. Recognizing the importance of empowering the next generation of leaders, Navalny established the Youth Public Chamber, a platform for young Muscovites to voice their concerns, propose initiatives, and contribute to the city's decision-making processes. By creating avenues for youth involvement in governance, Navalny sought to harness the energy and creativity of young people to drive positive change and innovation in Moscow's development agenda. In his efforts to combat corruption and restore public trust in the city's institutions, Navalny undertook a rigorous overhaul of the local police department, targeting corruption and malfeasance within its ranks. Through a combination of investigative measures, personnel reforms, and oversight mechanisms, Navalny sought to root out corrupt officers and instill a culture of integrity and accountability within law enforcement agencies. By cleansing the police department of its most corrupt elements, Navalny aimed to restore public confidence in the rule of law and ensure that law enforcement agencies served the interests of all citizens impartially and transparently. Another contentious issue that Navalny addressed during his early months in office was the construction of a new mosque in Moscow. Citing concerns about potential social tensions and the need to prioritize the interests of local residents, Navalny took the decision to halt construction on the mosque project, pending further consultation and review. While this decision generated debate and criticism from Muslim community in Moscow, Navalny defended his stance as a reflection of his commitment to balancing the rights and interests of all citizens and maintaining social harmony in the city.
In addition to his efforts to reform government institutions and combat corruption, Navalny embraced emerging technologies and platforms to enhance civic engagement and transparency. Recognizing the transformative potential of social media, Navalny leveraged platforms such as Facebook and Twitter to communicate directly with constituents, solicit feedback, and disseminate information about his administration's initiatives and priorities. By harnessing the power of social media, Navalny sought to break down barriers to communication and foster greater openness and accessibility in the city's governance processes. Furthermore, Navalny made concerted efforts to promote female participation in government and civic life, recognizing the invaluable contributions that women bring to the decision-making process. Through targeted outreach programs, mentorship initiatives, and policy measures aimed at supporting women in leadership roles, Navalny sought to create a more inclusive and representative government that reflected the diversity of Moscow's population. By championing gender equality and empowerment, Navalny aimed to tap into the full potential of Moscow's talent pool and ensure that all voices were heard in the city's governance. In conclusion, the first nine months of Alexei Navalny's tenure as Mayor of Moscow were marked by a whirlwind of activity and reform, as he embarked on a bold agenda to revitalize the city's governance structures and restore public trust in its institutions. Through a combination of administrative reforms, policy initiatives, and outreach efforts, Navalny sought to create a more transparent and efficient government that served the interests of all Muscovites. While facing criticism and opposition from conservatives, Muslim community and Russian Orthodox Church, Navalny remained steadfast in his commitment to driving change and building a brighter future for Moscow and its residents.
Probably going to be a internal rival to be honest for our style of government, by that while might be speaking for myself we are generally pro migration ( to a variable extent), pro Orthodox Church, like some state control over industries and would like more rapprochement with the US temporally and are rather content with the elitism in our government for better or worse.
By that I believe Navalny works as a good competing vision for Russia, his focus on say developing Moscow , willingness to be a populist to the Russian right and disillusioned large plurality while secularism and liberal values makes it seem likely he would politically oppose the expansion of the Union, if nothing else for wanting less competition . I would compare him to a conservative French politician in his desire to have a nation march to it's own tune, dislike of migrants and pro secularism while also wanting a strong state to act against any who disrupt it viewing Europe as the centre of the world and preserve the nations sphere of influence against rivals.
So I think he works and makes sense as a reaction against many of choices we made a politician would offer a alternative platform in the democratic system which is not a bad thing it's part of the package.
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Same as @boredviewer1234, I don't mind his policies but if he plans on getting rid of any socialist policies in the economy... expect to find his remains in northern Siberia...
Would also say he probably might be one of the more popular European politicians in general sooner or later by blurring a mix of the new and old right and his impressive accomplishments and coming in as a outsider and get a lot of hopes attached to him.
Weirdly for a European comparison think a young Erdogan might be best, Navalny is seen as a outsider challenging a well entrenched elite who facing a string of corruption scandals seen as out of touch with the common man representing a group that's not been in power for a long while in his nation firmly allied to the free market and became mayor of the capital seeing it as a another step in his rise to power and likely seen outside the nation as a possible break from the pattern of rule.
That being said though, for the same reason Erdogan became the politician he is later in life I'm not that worried about him overturning the system unless we undergo a lot of failures.
Weirdly for a European comparison think a young Erdogan might be best, Navalny is seen as a outsider challenging a well entrenched elite who facing a string of corruption scandals seen as out of touch with the common man representing a group that's not been in power for a long while in his nation firmly allied to the free market and became mayor of the capital seeing it as a another step in his rise to power and likely seen outside the nation as a possible break from the pattern of rule.
That being said though, for the same reason Erdogan became the politician he is later in life I'm not that worried about him overturning the system unless we undergo a lot of failures.
Well...Navalny is now the mayor of Moscow...didn't really have that much opinion of him, although hopefully the infrastructure upgrades (especially in the realms of railway) would be implemented just like OTL expedited more than OTL (perhaps projects like the Central Circle and Diameters could be brought forward 5 years earlier ITTL....)
Slightly out of topic, but what is exactly the border of the Moscow where Navalny currently administer? Is it as OTL...and if so, would Moscow City also later expands and annexing part of the (different) Moscow oblast like OTL as well...? (I hope that perhaps the Moscow city border could perhaps be a bit...less of a gore with the weird bits sticking out and perhaps find a way of fixing the border that it will not results in the city having small exclaves like Zelonograd)
Slightly out of topic, but what is exactly the border of the Moscow where Navalny currently administer? Is it as OTL...and if so, would Moscow City also later expands and annexing part of the (different) Moscow oblast like OTL as well...? (I hope that perhaps the Moscow city border could perhaps be a bit...less of a gore with the weird bits sticking out and perhaps find a way of fixing the border that it will not results in the city having small exclaves like Zelonograd)